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[ This message has been sent to you via the CASI-analysis mailing list ] [ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ] The Weapons of Mass Destruction Hoax Unravels In his January 20 State of the Union address President Bush briefly referred to the fraudulent claims in last year's speech to justify the invasion of Iraq. He cited a forthcoming report by a veteran of UN inspections in Iraq since 1991, David Kay. Three days later Kay bailed out. Since the invasion the US spent nine hundred million dollars to support its claims of the Iraqi WMD threat. The legions of weapons experts scouring Iraq for WMD have found nothing. One of the most successful frauds of all time and certainly the greatest swindle of the young 21st Century is unraveling. Last year the issue of Iraqi WMD dominated center-stage of world politics. For months the administration monopolized headlines with phony charges of chemical and biological weapons in Iraq. Many media figures, politicians and intellectuals actively promoted the disinformation campaign. At the conclusion of Congressional hearings in the fall of 2002, house leader Dick Gephardt set the tone for the Democratic collaboration with the Republican war rhetoric: "I share the administration's goals in dealing with Iraq and its weapons of mass destruction." (September 19) There was no debate. Until last week the White House tenaciously stuck to the original "...yes we believe they will be found" script. Vice President Cheney still insisted an "additional considerable period of time" was needed to find the WMD in Iraq. Jay Rockefeller, the ranking Democrat on the Senate intelligence committee said, "I'm glad they are continuing to do the search." Others like Secretary of State Powell and Kay pointed the finger at the "intelligence community." They have both played leading roles as spokespeople of the US intelligence community promoting the Iraqi WMD hoax. Once the US gained control over Iraq, the WMD allegations became increasingly untenable. In the early months the US press statements featured upbeat US commanders vowing that US claims would be vindicated by tomorrow's discovery of WMD. The canned optimism droned on for months, and then the WMD issue became overshadowed by the insurgency war, and then it disappeared. The famous palaces of the Iraqi leader once cited as the hiding places for chemical and biological weapons have become the headquarters for the occupiers. The secret bunkers revealed nothing more than corroded conventional ordinance. A May ABC news broadcast began "U.S. intelligence officials say they have concluded that the two tractor-trailers, which they found in northern Iraq during the war, are laboratories for making biological weapons. But they have found absolutely no trace of biological agents in them." These were the "mobile weapons labs" Secretary Powell portrayed with a cartoon in his address to the UN. With little fanfare it was later confirmed that they were in fact, what Iraq had always claimed they were, hydrogen production trailers sold to the Iraqis by the British in the late 1980's. Last September an initial draft by 1,500 US experts of the Iraq Survey Group could not cite a single piece of evidence substantiating US claims. Back in August 2003, Hans Blix, the head of UN weapons inspection prior to the invasion, made these guarded comments about the likelihood of finding WMD in Iraq. "The more time that has passed, the more I think it's unlikely that anything will be found..." and went on to add "I'm certainly more and more to the conclusion that Iraq has, as they maintained, destroyed almost all of what they had in the summer of 1991." This conclusion flies in the face of everything we have been told by the US government and media for more than a decade. Iraq's longstanding contention that it had not had WMD since 1991 has proven to be true. Irrespective of Iraqi government's intent to evade the intrusive inspections, it was in fact in compliance with UN's WMD disarmament mandates since 1991. The WMD hoax and the sanctions If Iraq did not have weapons of mass destruction beyond 1991, how did two UN commissions fail to verify it? Can we say in retrospect that Iraq was afforded the "fair and impartial inspections" promised by the UN Security Council? (Similar promises are now being made to Libya.) Last year's UN commission headed by Blix was widely promoted as the best chance of heading off the impending US invasion. Yet when Blix's inspections failed to find WMD or evidence of any active programs he did not certify Iraq's compliance. The first UN Special Commission (UNSCOM) from 1991 until 1998 despite the evidence, also failed to certify Iraq's compliance. After the Gulf War, UN Security Council resolutions made Iraq's elimination of its WMD a pre-condition for lifting the comprehensive sanctions that had shut down Iraq's economy since 1990. The economic siege on the defeated nation would continue until Iraq proved it had eliminated its WMD to the satisfaction of the veto wielding members of the UN Security Council, the US and Britain. This proved impossible. Throughout the nineties the US used its political power within the Security Council to wage economic war on Iraq with devastating effect. Chlorine needed to purify water could not be imported to Iraq. It might be used to make chlorine gas, a chemical weapon. Every month thousands of children died from water-borne diseases that were unheard of before the war. To satisfy the concerns of UN weapons inspectors, Iraq shut down its pharmaceutical industry. But Iraq was also prohibited from importing vaccines because they had the potential of being used to make a biological weapon. The most elementary technology required for modern life was forbidden to Iraq, because it might be used to make a WMD. Besides the recent invasion and current occupation of Iraq, the promoters of WMD hoax are responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Iraqis who perished from the UN sanctions. The US and Britain and the United Nations owe reparations to the people of Iraq. - February 1, 04 Bob Allen 5 Awbury Rd. Philadelphia Pa 19138 215 438 4187 email@example.com Committee to End the Occupation www.endocciraq.org _______________________________________ Sent via the CASI-analysis mailing list To unsubscribe, visit http://lists.casi.org.uk/mailman/listinfo/casi-analysis All postings are archived on CASI's website at http://www.casi.org.uk