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Published on Friday, November 24, 2000 in the
Independent / UK
The Pariah's Den
Life in Baghdad 10 Years After the Gulf
War
by Kim Sengupta
Baghdad is booming. The wide boulevards
are freshly tarmacked and, every few weeks,
scaffolding is removed to reveal
shining new buildings. In the early evening, the
lobbies of
the five-star hotels the Al Rashid,
the Al Mansour and the Palestine rustle with the
hurried step of dozens of staff members
and government officials in fake Versace.
Businessmen entering the Al Rashid walk
over a mosaic floor that features George Bush's
face. Within the lobby, Saddam Hussein
watches made out of gold-plated martyrs'
Kalashnikovs sell for $120 (£80)
apiece.
The men, and a small number of women,
are here for the Baghdad trade fair, attended by
1,500 companies from 45 countries. They
are all trying to compete for contracts worth
billions of dollars to be negotiated by
Saddam Hussein's regime, oiled by the 2.3 million
barrels that Iraq pumps out every day.
Outside the hotels, purring Mercedes
and BMWs with the back windows curtained are
waiting to sweep the international
entrepreneurs along Baghdad's newly resurfaced
boulevards, to the freshly restored
restaurants on Al Massabah Street. But a chosen few
will be taken elsewhere, to the private
clubs where the real power in Iraq is brokered.
They'll
be going to the oak-panelled club rooms
of the Hunter, the Alchandria, the Al Forocia a
riding establishment with an exclusive
bar and restaurant, and the Al Zowariq, where the
ιlite keep yachts and power boats on
the Tigris.
These are the clubs where Saddam's
coterie go to unwind. Most of these proudly bear the
name of their chairman, Uday Hussein,
Saddam's son, on their letterheads. Uday is now in
a wheelchair, crippled after being
ambushed in the centre of Baghdad while driving his
Porsche cabriolet.
In these clubs, as bodyguards stand on
discreet guard, the foreign visitors will be treated
to
local delicacies such as smoked fish
from the Tigris, wines from the Lebanon and France,
and 12-year-old Scotch. You can get
almost anything in Baghdad and, compared to
Western prices, most luxuries are
remarkably cheap. A bottle of Scotch costs $6, an Yves
St Laurent handbag will set you back
$100, while the latest widescreen television sets go
for about $400. The US may be the
official enemy but the greenback is very welcome.
You would scarcely know this is a city
under sanctions. But Iraq is a society of parallel
lives. Just a few miles from these
well-stocked clubs and restaurants stands the
children's
hospital, where 13-year-old Marwan
Ibrahim lies on a dirty bed, blood haemorrhaging from
his nose and mouth. He has cancer. He
will not get the bone marrow transplant he
desperately needs if he is to survive.
On the next bed, four-year-old Mariam Ayub is in the
early stages of cancer. She is an
exceptionally pretty girl, with a shy smile. Her
mother,
Adra, wants us to take a picture of her
daughter so that she can remember her this way
before her looks change with the
ravages of the disease and death claims her too.
Marwan and Mariam are just two of the
half-million Iraqi children who have contracted
cancer since Saddam launched his
disastrous invasion of Kuwait 10 years ago. In the war
that followed in January 1991, the West
used weapons coated with depleted uranium,
which, it is claimed, contributed to
the massive rise in cancer. After the war, sanctions
imposed by the UN have blocked
essential supplies of medicine and equipment that
could
have saved Marwan, Mariam and so many
others.
The British and US governments would
have you believe that the people who cannot afford
to eat or get ill in Iraq will,
eventually, be driven by sanctions to overthrow
Saddam. The
average monthly salary of a doctor,
which used to be about $1,000 (£670), is now between
$3 and $5. It is much the same for
other professions. Most professionals do two or even
three jobs just to survive. Ali Daoud,
a 51-year-old optometrist who qualified in Hamburg, is
a taxi-driver in the evenings, plying
his trade in a battered 10-year-old Nissan with
cannibalised parts. He is hoping to get
a job as a cleaner in one of the hotels, where a
week's tips would bring him more than
he currently earns in a month. Would he, and others
like him, form an eventual opposition
to Saddam?
"No, no, I am not political," says Ali
hurriedly. His friend Nasr, a fellow taxi-driver who
once
worked as a chemist, breaks in:
"Listen, people are too tired with the effort of just
living. We
have had 10 years of sanctions. We are
too tired, we have no energy left to protest about
anything. The soldiers lack nothing, we
are no match for them."
Posters of Saddam are plastered all
over the city. Fifty yards from where we are standing,
another poster hangs outside the Palace
of Justice: in this one, he stands holding scales in
one hand and a sword in the other,
swathed in judicial robes which look more like a
dressing-gown. Nasr nods towards it,
and makes a highly seditious throat-cutting motion.
Since the middle classes had their
wages devalued, most have sold everything to keep
going. First went luxuries such as
television sets and video recorders, then furniture
and
then their good clothes. Rahim al
Sharifi, a teacher, is selling the last of the book
collection
he built up over 23 years. The dozen
books include Time For a Tiger by Anthony Burgess,
Great Expectations and The Pickwick
Papers. "I love Dickens. I had most of his books,
once," he says in a soft voice. "They
were my private books, but I used to read them to my
pupils at school. But no more. What a
shame."
The only computers officially allowed
by the sanctions committee in New York are at least
10 years old. Anything newer, it is
declared, will help "Saddam's war machine". Of course,
like everything else, modern computers
are available in Baghdad. But they are smuggled in
and affordable only to the rich. "In
the poor schools we have got a shortage of everything,
even pencils. They do not want us to
have pencils because they say the military can use
the lead. Can you believe it?" Mr Al
Sharifi shakes his head. "How can you give children
new ideas without books, pens, or
pencils? How can you change anything, even about
different forms of government, without
education?"
Lernik and Arpik Bedrosian, two
sisters, run Mackenzie's, the oldest English-language
bookshop in Baghdad. They are Armenian
Christians Christians now number 750,000 of
Baghdad's population of two million.
Lernik, a presenter on the local satellite TV channel,
says: "We are now culturally isolated.
No new books have been allowed in by the
sanctions. By stopping the books they
are also stopping Western culture and outside ideas
coming in. What does the West hope to
gain by this?"
But if the poverty of ideas is
spreading insidiouslythrough the isolated community,
in the
hospitals the effects of the embargo
have been most immediately and visibly catastrophic.
A range of drugs, from vaccinations to
pain killers and even cleansing agents such as
chlorine, are banned because they can
be used for "dual purpose". George Robertson,
when he was Defence Secretary,
repeatedly declared that Saddam has $275m worth of
medicine stockpiled in his warehouses
that he refuses to distribute.
I could not find anyone in Unicef, the
World Health Organisation, or the relevant charities
who would endorse these figures. Hans
von Spaneck, the former UN humanitarian
co-ordinator in Iraq, said the amount
held in stock was about 12 per cent. Anupama Rao
Singh, Unicef's senior representative
in Iraq, said inspections show the figure to be
between
10 and 15 per cent the standard
minimum that should be held for emergencies. Even
Scott Ritter, the UN arms inspector the
Iraqis kicked out claiming he was a spy, told me in
London that there was no evidence of
medicine being stockpiled by the regime. "The
sanctions", he said, "are pointless and
self-defeating. They are not hurting Saddam, they
are hurting the people of Iraq."
Madeleine Albright has other views.
When she was asked on television whether she thought
the deaths of half a million children
was a price worth paying, she said: "This is a very
hard
choice, but we think the price is worth
it, yes."
Britain has taken the lead in enforcing
sanctions against Iraq. No British companies are
known to have taken part in the Baghdad
trade fair, and foreign minister Peter Hain talks
about how dreadful all this
fraternisation with Iraq is. But there are US
companies keen to
get their snouts in the Baghdad trough,
camouflaging their involvement by dealing through
European subsidiaries. One of the most
prolific traders among these US firms is Halliburton,
whose chief executive was Dick Cheney
until he left to become George W Bush's running
mate. Mr Cheney, of course, was
secretary of state for defence during the Gulf War.
"What we are seeing is the
disintegration of a society," said Rao Singh, a UN
official. "Iraq
had invested heavily in social and
health care and in 1989, before the war, 90 per cent
of the
people had access to clean water and 95
per cent had access to good health care. Iraq was
in transition to reaching First World
standards. The rate of child mortality was one of the
best in the world. There has been a
fourfold increase, and it is now one of the worst. In
1990, an Iraqi child with dysentery had
one chance in 600 of dying, now it is one in 50.
These are statistics, but we are
dealing with real lives."
At the Children's Hospital, Dr Mohammed
Firas lists the drugs he needs but cannot have. "I
have not seen any improvements in
supplies, none at all," he says. "It is upsetting when
you see little boys and girls die in
front of you and there is nothing you can do. We have
a
lot of relapses because of the
shortages. We don't even have enough plastic sachets
for
blood. We see families go away thinking
their children have been cured. But they come
back. We all feel a bit hopeless."
Marwan is one of those who had
relapsed. He first contracted cancer six years ago.
His
mother points to his rapidly draining
sachet of blood. "He needs sometimes 10 of them a
day. But we can get only four. We know
it is a matter of time. What can we do? We can
only trust in God." And she strokes his
arm and cries.
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