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Re: [casi] Full Amnesty Report on Iraq 2002 Episode 4.

Dear All kind and concerned people,

I couldn't help and give my input when there were claims of
authority being used and bragged about.
I am an Iraqi who lived before and after the 1991 war, and
practiced medicine there during the sanctions. I have no
affiliation to any Iraqi political party or ideology inside or
outside Iraq, and all my family are professional university
scientisits. Like almost every Iraqi family we also suffered and
lost loved ones to the cruel Iraqi regiem. However, my main
concern, as that on this list I hope, is the people of Iraq. No
one has said Saddam is a great guy. Anyone saying that would be
ill-informed. But no one can deny the social and financial well
being Iraq has been in prior to 1991, and that only the
sanctions are responsible to the change of status since then. I
saw helplessly sick Iraqis coming to the hospitals and cannot do
anything to them becuase there was no medicine, while it was
abundunt before 1991 (it was the same regiem, so it doesn't need
a rocket scientest to realize what changed).
But to help non-Iraqis on this list to understand why some would
advocate war to topple Saddam regardless of the consequences to
the people, these are the main categories of Iraqis nowadays;
those inside Iraq who have suffered and still suffer from the
regiem and know it better than others, but would not want to
suffer more by bombing and starvation like the 1991 till present
war and bombings and like the sanctions.
There are the Iraqis outside Iraq, who left it for their own
personal intrests and selfishness, (like myself).
A group of those outside Iraq have developed either their own
ambitions and affiliations to rule Iraq (like the rediculous
Iraqi National Congress/or whatever they call their names now:
whom even the US could not trust and rely on as a substitute to
Saddam), or have a personal vandetta with the regiem that is
obstructing their clear vision. These group of people are no
better than Saddam in many ways when they advocate bombing Iraq
or doing war to topple Saddam, because evethough they know the
death toll would be enourmus, and the anarchy that happens
afterwards can be disasterous, they don't care for the people.
I met some of thsoe people, and some are actually on the pay
roll of the US government and think (or say they think)they are
brave nationalist working for the good cause of the Iraqi

I am hopeful no one on this list is from these groups. In
medicne, when we have two illnesses, one is a chronic ongoing
one, and the other is an acute life threatning, we deal with the
latter first. the sanctions, and now the war prospects, are the
acute life threatning to the Iraqi people.

Thank you all for the concerns about the welfare of the Iraqi
people: the 20 Million of them, not the few thousands in the

Best regards

> From:                 "Voices uk" <>
> To:                   "CASI discussion list"
> <>
> Date sent:            Thu, 30 May 2002 18:23:57 +0100
> Subject:              [casi] re: Yasser's e-mail
> [ Double-click this line for list subscription options ]
> Yasser describes Tony Maturin's claim that, prior to August
> 1990, the
> Iraqi Government 'had invested heavily in social programmes'
> as
> ridiculous. Yet even the sternest critics of the Iraqi regime
> acknowledge
> something of this sort.
> Thus, for example, Kanan Makiya writes, in his famous book
> 'Republic of
> Fear' (first published in 1989) that 'a regime of terror
> actually presided
> over an across-the-board increase in the standard of living in
> Iraq, and
> it significantly improved the lot of the most destitute
> layers, furthering
> the levelling of income differentials that began after 1958.'
> Makiya continues:
> 'The changes are impressive: the prices of most basic
> necessities were
> stabilized by state subsidy; the minimum daily wage greatly
> increased over
> the rate of inflation, which was kept low; new labour laws
> provided
> complete job security; the state became an employer of last
> resort for all
> graduates; free education and health care was provided; and
> per capita
> national income increased from 195 ID in 1970 to 7564 in
> 1979.'
> Makiya goes on to note 'the enormous expansion of medical
> services, the
> electrification of villages, the vast network of new roads
> that crisscross
> the country, forward-looking social legislation, the
> development of
> transport systems, telecommunications, industrialization, and
> massive
> housing projects.'
> Obviously none of this happened by magic and it's important to
> acknowledge
> this basic reality.
> Some more information about these matters is reproduced below.
> Best wishes,
> Gabriel
> voices in the wilderness uk
> ************************************************************
> Excerpt from Voices UK's May 2000 briefing 'Spinning the
> Sanctions'
> Foreign Office Claim: "There is no guarantee that if sanctions
> were lifted
> the Iraqi regime ... would give any greater priority to the
> humanitarian
> needs of the Iraqi people than it does now"
> Voices' comment: In a 1997 report three economists from the
> LSE [London
> School of Economics] noted that outside commentators have
> tended to
> "equate political absolutism with absolute appropriation of
> public
> resources for private ends", assuming that "the over-riding
> and exclusive
> financial priorities of the Iraqi leadership are to amass
> private wealth
> and to bolster the state's coercive apparatus". In fact, they
> observed,
> "[w]hile there is no doubt that private appropriation and
> military
> expenditure are important priorities for the Iraqi leadership,
> commitment
> to social welfare is also an important government priority in
> its own
> right"
> They noted that the Iraqi Government's commitment to social
> welfare was
> "not new found" and had to be "viewed in the historical
> context of
> welfarist interventions by successive governments in Iraq" :
> "These interventions, which include action by the government
> on a variety
> of social and welfare issues, such as education (particularly
> the
> education of girls), public health care, development of
> infrastructure and
> indeed radical land reforms, have been consistent and
> substantial features
> of public policy at least since the late 1950s."
> According to epidemiologist Richard Garfield there was an
> "accelerated
> decline" in infant and child mortality rates during the 1980's
> despite "a
> major diversion of economic resources to war" and
> "access to doctors and hospitals improved, the population
> continued to
> become more urban, clean water became more accessible, food
> prices
> remained stable and immunisation coverage improved"
> "Just a decade ago, Iraq boasted one of the most modern
> infrastructures
> and highest standards of living in the middle east" with a
> "modern,
> complex health care system" and "sophisticated water-treatment
> and pumping
> facilities" (Iraq : A Decade of Sanctions, International
> Committee of the
> Red Cross, December 1999).
> Looking forward, we must realise the importance of Baghdad's
> longstanding
> commitment to public health and education, the role played by
> such
> investments in securing the Ba'ath Party's appeal to its
> supporters, and
> the huge pent-up demand for these public services caused by
> (and blamed
> on) the economic sanctions. The Foreign Office deftly avoids
> some awkward
> realities when it points out (correctly) that there can be 'no
> guarantees'
> of increased Iraqi government spending on social welfare
> programmes after
> the lifting of sanctions. There is only one guarantee: as long
> as the
> economic sanctions continue, thousands of children will
> continue to die
> every month, in large part because of the cruelty and
> indifference of the
> British Foreign Office.
> _______________________________________________
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