Excerpts from the debate at UN Security Council, 26-28 June 2001

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Russia: I must say frankly that the deeper we get into the details of proposed changes in the sanctions regime, the more our doubts grow as to the feasibility of the concept enshrined in that draft and its political viability vis-à-vis the prospects for a lasting settlement in Iraq. One basic element is that the system proposed in the draft resolution … basically requires the freezing of the current situation, in which sanctions are preserved with unacceptable consequences for the people and economy of Iraq and no progress is made on disarmament. Specifically, the key elements of the United Kingdom draft appear to lead not to easing the very harsh economic situation of Iraq, but rather to tightening the sanctions.

Many questions are raised by the authors’ proposal of a “goods review list” for deliveries to Iraq … It is now being said that the authors of the new concept regard the “1051 list” as inadequate. They want to include in their “goods review list” goods from the so-called Wassenaar Arrangements….Above and beyond the Wassenaar Arrangements, a third part is being proposed for this “goods review list”... Included in this third category are goods defined in such a way that it would be possible, via very vague procedures for considering contracts, to block projects that are essential to the recovery of the energy, oil, industrial and other areas of Iraq’s economy. An analysis demonstrates that this list of goods would not be broader, but would be rather more prohibitive. Its approval could undermine prospects for the industrial development of Iraq.

The draft resolution contains nothing investment or economic projects — and not only infrastructure projects — which runs contrary to resolution 1352 (2001) in respect of facilitating economic ties with Iraq. There is also total silence concerning the fate of the Memorandum of Understanding between Iraq and the United Nations, on which the humanitarian programme has been based to date. It would therefore appear that this new scheme is to be introduced without Baghdad’s consent, and that is utterly unrealistic. Moreover, it is contrary to the decisions of the Council concerning the need to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq.

Overall, the concept that has been put together changes the very essence of the humanitarian programme of the United Nations, politicizes it and makes it and UNMOVIC into an instrument for applying sanctions pressure. Attempts to use the humanitarian operation to resolve tasks unrelated to it would bury all hope for a resumption of ongoing disarmament monitoring in Iraq and the legal lifting of the anti-Iraq sanctions, pursuant to Security Council decisions….

We feel that the adoption of the proposed draft resolution on smart sanctions would be detrimental to averting the humanitarian catastrophe, devastate the Iraqi economy and work against a post-conflict settlement in the Gulf region. Taking account of all these factors, we cannot agree to this draft resolution, which seems unadoptable….. Everyone knows that this work was interrupted because of the hasty adoption of resolution 1284 (1999), which contained too many gaps and too much ambiguity that made the resolution not implementable in its current form.

We regard the status quo as unacceptable, so today we have introduced a specific proposal that contains clear criteria for suspending and then lifting sanctions that are tied to the deployment in Iraq of the ongoing monitoring and verification system on the basis of implementation of existing resolutions of the Security Council. We are convinced that there is simply no alternative to this comprehensive approach if we all want to achieve a lasting settlement around Iraq and in the entire Gulf region that is strictly in accordance with resolutions of the United Nations.

United Kingdom: There are two principles which have guided us and must continue to guide us in the Council in handling Iraq. They are clearly enshrined in resolution 1352 (2001). First, it is our responsibility in the Council to prevent Iraq from posing a threat to its region and, as part of this, to ensure that Iraq is fully and verifiably disarmed of its weapons of mass destruction. Until this is the case, it is the responsibility of the Council to ensure that Iraq cannot rearm and cannot once again pose a threat to its neighbours. The second principle is as important and even more immediate: to alleviate the suffering of the Iraqi people and take whatever steps we can from outside to ensure that their needs are met…. These two principles are embodied in resolution 1284 (1999), which remains the comprehensive framework for the Council’s approach to Iraq. … If Iraq decided to cooperate with resolution 1284 (1999), we are all willing to work with them without any further delay….

We now have before us a series of proposals, set out by the United Kingdom in our draft resolution, to allow Iraq to import the full range of civilian goods without restriction.…. I emphasize that the aim was not to replace the Council’s comprehensive approach in resolution 1284 (1999), but to do two things: to set in place measures to liberalize the flow of goods to Iraq and, at the same time, to examine ways to make sure that military-related items are not exported to Iraq…..

The new proposals contained in the British draft resolution will make an important and significant difference to the flow of goods to Iraq. From a situation where no export is allowed unless approved by the Security Council Committee established by resolution 661 (1990), we will move to a situation where every export is allowed except for a very limited range of items which must be reviewed by the 661 Committee on the basis of criteria related to their potential military use. Even for those items, there is no presumption of denial.,…

We are fully aware that in many cases sensitive items can form a key component of larger civilian projects which must be allowed to go forward if the economic infrastructure of Iraq is to be rebuilt. We want to see the ordinary civilian infrastructure reconstructed in Iraq, and our attitude to individual items reviewed by the Committee will be guided by that philosophy.

France: Maintaining the current status quo is not satisfactory. It is not satisfactory in terms of the authority and credibility of the Council... It is not satisfactory for the Iraqi population either. Iraq is experiencing a humanitarian crisis of unparalleled scope. Just to take one figure, the infant mortality rate has more than doubled since 1990. The efforts made by the Council through the oil-for-food programme have of course had their merit. However, the extremely bureaucratic nature of the system and the blocking of the functioning of the sanctions Committee have barely made it possible to do anything other than ensure the survival of the Iraqi people and keep them indefinitely dependent on assistance. Iraq’s interruption of its oil sales a month ago can only further aggravate the situation. Finally, it is not satisfactory for regional security. For two and a half years the Security Council has no longer had any inspectors in the field to verify that Iraq has not resumed its programmes of weapons of mass destruction. The magnitude of smuggling, a practice representing several billion dollars, makes the validity of the escrow account illusory….

For more than three years we have been proposing significant reform of the oil-for-food machinery. We cannot fail to support a transfer of jurisdiction from the sanctions Committee to the Secretariat. That ought to result in a very substantial reduction in the number of contracts that are on hold. That is indispensable.…

Easing restrictions on trade with Iraq cannot by itself enable the economy to recover sufficiently to respond to the humanitarian crisis. That recovery requires the return of normal economic conditions. That is why France has proposed that foreign investment be authorized, as proposed by the panel chaired two years ago by Ambassador Celso Amorim. That is why we propose that services be approved without delay. That is why we request that local expenditures for the petroleum industry — the cash component — be accepted, as the Secretary-General proposes in his 6 June report, and as had already been agreed in resolution 1284 (1999).

USA: [I]t is clear that the Iraqi people have borne the burden of the regime’s policies. The oil-for-food programme has grown into the largest humanitarian programme ever run by the international community. It is a reflection of the regime’s lack of cooperation and of its disregard for its own population that, despite the billions of dollars that have gone into Iraq under the programme, Iraq’s development levels have not met the potential of the oil-for-food process. It is equally a measure of the programme’s success that Iraq’s development, by some standards, actually exceeds that of some of its regional neighbours.

During these past six years, the nature of the oil-for-food programme has changed, even though the name has not. But a better name today would be “oil for development”, because such a term would more accurately reflect the fact that even today the Iraqi regime could redevelop the country using the oil-for-food programme, if it chose to do so. Instead, Iraq is using money and oil as a weapon against the international community…. It has been clear for some time that we, the international community, care more for the Iraqi people than the regime does.

Let us be clear about what we are trying to accomplish with the United Kingdom draft resolution. Far from “freezing the present situation”, if we agree to something like it in its current form, we will have done nothing less than lift the sanctions on regular civilian commercial trade with the Iraqi people. It is the height of irony that, at the very moment my Government and others are prepared to undertake this radical shift of direction, we find ourselves under attack by others who have long pressed for change to the system….

Under the current system, to which we will revert if the new system cannot be brought into being, all exports to Iraq are forbidden unless specifically permitted by Security Council resolution or a specific decision of the sanctions Committee. Under the proposed system, everything is permitted unless it is contained on a list of military or dual-use goods, in which case it will be reviewed, not denied.

Iraq will be able to acquire everything it needs to improve the lives of its people and to provide for the country’s development. The Iraqi regime will be prevented only from acquiring the few items critical to increasing its ability to threaten international peace and security. Almost every item that Iraq could need or want for its civilian development will not be subject to review by the sanctions Committee….

Some have suggested this new approach to be an abandonment of resolution 1284 (1999) and a move away from implementing the other applicable Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq. That assertion is fundamentally misleading. The introduction of this new approach to Iraq is in fact a bridge between the current situation and the existing framework of Security Council resolutions.

China: This afternoon we received a draft resolution submitted by the Russian delegation, which undoubtedly is a useful proposal aimed at breaking out of the present deadlock in the Iraq situation and bringing about an early, comprehensive resolution of the Iraq question….The 11-year-old sanctions have brought dire suffering to the Iraqi people. In particular they have penalized large numbers of innocent women and children. The international community is vigorously called upon to effectively improve the humanitarian situation in Iraq. If the Security Council turns a blind eye to or does not do enough to improve the humanitarian situation in Iraq, it will not be justly addressing the great expectations of the general membership of the United Nations….

Iraq’s normal, civilian interactions with other countries — for example, trade and investment — should not have been subjected to sanctions. The oil-for-food programme, which started in 1996, has played a positive role in easing the humanitarian situation in Iraq. However, years of experience have shown that large numbers of contracts for the export of civilian goods to Iraq have been put on hold. It has also been impossible for the Iraqi people to conduct normal economic activities. Therefore the Chinese Government is of the view that the new arrangements must take a new approach to these matters….

We believe that a fundamental amelioration of the humanitarian situation in Iraq is an important and indispensable step towards breaking the present deadlock and towards a comprehensive resolution of the Iraq issue….

The Chinese Government has always stressed that in order to make progress on the disarmament issues the ambiguities in resolution 1284 (1999) have to be clarified. In particular, in order to motivate Iraq to resume its cooperation with the United Nations, there is a need to clearly define the criteria for terminating the sanctions against Iraq. This is another important and indispensable step towards breaking the deadlock and achieving a comprehensive solution to the Iraq issue.

Tunisia: Because of the many different sanctions imposed on the country — indeed, the most extensive and the harshest ever imposed by the United Nations on a country — Iraq’s economy is devastated, its society is crumbling, and the humanitarian situation of the Iraqi people is on the brink of utter collapse and a source of serious concern, according to international humanitarian organizations. Last week, the London Economist wrote that this country of 22 million people, with its great civilization, has been reduced to the level of a Stone Age society. Despite its positive contribution, the oil-for-food programme — a temporary and limited measure — cannot stand in for a genuine recovery of the Iraqi economy, which is the only way of providing an appropriate response to the urgent and immense needs of an entire population. But how can one possibly even think of economic recovery in the country without direct foreign investment, particularly in the key oil sector, without a cash component for that same sector, without service activities, without any real lifting of the restrictions on air transport, without financial resources — enough for Iraq to pay its arrears to the various international organizations — and the list goes on. The Security Council should accept and approve such steps, because otherwise, the humanitarian tragedy of the Iraqi people, which has been playing out for so many years now, will simply continue to be a blot on our conscience. Tunisia will continue to work daily in the Security Council, as it has consistently done, with a view to improving, before it is too late, the situation of the Iraqi people, who are in such distress.

Norway: Paramount among Norwegian concerns is the humanitarian situation of the Iraqi people. We remain dismayed by the dire living conditions of various segments of the civilian population. It would be too simple to attempt to identify one single reason for these difficult living conditions and health problems. There are various reasons for this situation…. the Iraqi authorities bear the main responsibility for utilizing all means put at their disposal by the United Nations to meet urgent needs. Moreover, they must ensure budgetary priorities and take other appropriate measures to accommodate these needs. ... Norway attaches great importance to a humanitarian cash component under the humanitarian programme in order to allow for the purchase of locally produced goods and thus stimulate development of local resources.

Colombia: [I]t is clearly possible to make improvements in the oil-for-food programme, which should have a positive impact on the humanitarian situation of the Iraqi people. However, in order to ensure the proper functioning of the programme, the Government of Iraq must cooperate….. In this case, it is important for the Government of Iraq to have a clear understanding of what the international community expects from it, including guarantees for regional security, before sanctions are lifted.

Ukraine: We also think it necessary to create appropriate conditions for the economic restoration of the country that can provide a basis for self-reliant development and generate additional resources needed primarily to meet civilian needs of the Iraqi people. In this regard, we support the provisions that would make it possible to attract foreign investments, primarily in the oil sector of the country’s economy, and to render various services in the process of implementing programmes and projects. Besides, utilization of the so-called “cash component” in all sectors in Iraq in accordance with the resolution 1330 (2000) will also contribute to drastically changing the humanitarian situation and revitalizing the national economy.

Mauritius: A terrible humanitarian situation has unfolded in Iraq over the years due to the enforcement of the sanctions regime….We take this opportunity to urge Iraq to respond to the efforts of the international community to ease the sanctions to which it is subjected and to take some concrete steps of its own as a reciprocal action. We believe that as a first step in this direction, Iraq should resume cooperation with UNMOVIC and allow the designated inspectors to do their work inside the country.

Mali: Mali welcomes the new sanctions regime that the Council is discussing because it aims to ease the harmful effects of 11 years of sanctions on the civilian population. It would remove constraints on the import of goods for civilian consumption and basic necessities, on the principle that everything that is not explicitly forbidden would be authorized…. But in our view there are several shortcomings in the new regime. The first relates to United Nations control of Iraq’s resources through the maintenance of the escrow account and to the need for the rehabilitation of the country. Thus, we support injecting cash from oil sales into the local economy — the “cash component”…. Beyond the oil sector, the cash component ought to be extended to other sectors in Iraq… . To ensure the economic reconstruction of the country, the draft resolution should cover services and investments, which are essential to economic recovery and to rebuilding the country’s entire infrastructure.

Ireland: My delegation considers the approach now envisaged on the basis of resolution 1352 (2001) to be a promising one that would improve significantly the flow of commodities and products to Iraq, while maintaining the necessary controls…. However, the people of Iraq will never achieve the level of development and prosperity to which the natural wealth of their country entitles them without access to foreign investment. The longer they must do without the resources and expertise that foreign investment can make available, the longer development in real terms will be put off.

Singapore: The innocent people of Iraq have borne the heaviest burdens of Iraq’s continued economic isolation, while the Government continues to defy Security Council resolutions and has succeeded in recasting its international image from a belligerent to a victim.... [T]he status quo is unacceptable....The proposed new arrangements will free the flow of legitimate civilian goods and commodities to Iraq, which will significantly improve the welfare of the Iraqi people.

Jamaica: Jamaica has consistently stated in the Council that sanctions regimes must be focused, effectively targeted and of limited duration. We have also emphasized that sanctions must be designed in such a way that the civilian population is not made to suffer for the intransigence of its leaders. For this reason, Jamaica supports the current efforts being undertaken in the Security Council to modify the sanctions regime so as to alleviate the suffering of the Iraqi people.

Bangladesh: The strict control on Iraq’s imports and exports has resulted in a steady decline in the living conditions of the Iraqi people.... Security Council resolution 1284 (1999)...is deficient in not indicating clearly a pathway towards the suspension and final lifting of the sanctions...The Council cannot be oblivious to the regional political context that surrounds the issue. That calls for a vision beyond the sanctions, a vision to salvage future generations in Iraq. If the Council fails to get the political perspective right, no procedural simplification is likely to bring the desired result.

Kuwait: Kuwait [...] welcomes and supports all efforts under way to improve the humanitarian programme with a view to eliminating restrictions on the flow of civilian goods, in order to alleviate the suffering of the Iraqi people.... [D]espite the strict humanitarian nature of the oil-for-food programme, the Iraqi Government, for its part, has not worked to ensure the success of that programme or to ensure benefits from its modalities....Iraq’s implementation of all relevant Security Council resolutions is the primary guarantee of the security and stability of our region.

Jordan: Iraq continues to pay a hefty price as a consequence of the comprehensive sanctions imposed upon it that will have an impact on future generations of the Iraqi population in terms of their food, livelihood, health and prospects for economic growth and development. The result is an unprecedented case of civilian suffering. ... This type of collective punishment, the most severe in the history of the United Nations, did not achieve its declared purposes of consolidating peace and security. On the contrary, those sanctions created conditions that in the long run may endanger the future of the whole region. ...We believe that the only way out of the current crisis lies in the lifting of sanctions imposed against Iraq by the Council, thereby extricating Iraq from this dilemma, and by reviving a comprehensive dialogue between Baghdad and the United Nations....

Saudi Arabia: We also called for an overhaul of this regime to put an end to the suffering of the Iraqi people by enabling Iraq to import all its basic humanitarian needs, medical supplies, foodstuffs and educational material, without requiring the prior consent of the Council. ... Sanctions should be restricted to the acquisition of arms, military equipment and dual-use materials as stipulated in relevant Security Council resolutions... . This requires an effective long-term monitoring programme.

Sweden (on behalf of the European Union): There can be no doubt that the key to suspension and lifting of sanctions lies in the hands of the Government of Iraq. The European Union regrets that, as a result of Iraq’s failure to fulfil its international obligations, the conditions do not exist which would enable the Council to lift the prohibitions imposed under resolution 687 (1991). ... [T]he humanitarian situation in Iraq remains alarming, calling for ambitious measures aimed at alleviating the suffering among the population. In particular, measures to stimulate normal activity in the civilian sectors of the Iraqi economy are vital. ... We strongly support the ongoing deliberations within the Council with the purpose of alleviating the predicament of the Iraqi civilian population.

Malaysia: [C]omprehensive sanctions against Iraq have resulted in the severe suffering of innocent civilians and caused profound socio-economic dislocations. The fact remains that a decade of the most comprehensive and punitive sanctions ever imposed on a society has decimated Iraq as a modern State, effectively forcing that country’s economy back to a pre-industrial age and making it ever so dependent on the United Nations humanitarian programme for basic survival. That is beyond dispute. ... We do not believe that the Council’s efforts for disarmament in respect of Iraq, which in fact have made significant progress, should continue to be linked to a policy of comprehensive sanctions that have resulted in the loss of lives and untold suffering for the Iraqi people. We do not believe the situation today justifies the continuation of these comprehensive sanctions. After more than a decade of debilitating sanctions, the time has come for the international community and the Council to take a new and more balanced approach, one that would address the legitimate security concerns of the countries in the region, but would also spare the people of Iraq further collective punishment. If this Council is indeed serious in its intention to alleviate the suffering of the Iraqi people, this new approach should not link progress and disarmament with efforts to alleviate the humanitarian suffering. It has long been our view that incremental improvements within the framework of the sanctions regime will not mitigate the impact of sanctions in any significant way. Based on our own direct observation of the situation on the ground, including the observation made by the recent humanitarian delegation from Malaysia to Iraq, the so-called humanitarian improvements against the background of a weakened physical, health, medical, water and sanitation infrastructure, due to the numerous holds, have failed miserably. This has reinforced our conviction that the oil-for-food programme will not be able to adequately mitigate the effects of the sanctions.

Libya: [W]e believe that sanctions must be immediately lifted without delay when the reasons for their imposition are eliminated. We believe that sanctions run counter to human rights. They are a violation of the right to life, the right to freedom from hunger and the right to education, health care and development. Sanctions also affect the most vulnerable in society, such as the aged, women and children. ... The sanctions imposed by the Security Council against Iraq have become a crime of genocide against the Iraqi people. The States that object to the lifting of those sanctions are guilty of that crime. ... The siege nevertheless continues as strong as ever in an attempt to destroy Iraq, its institutions and its infrastructure and to tear Iraqi society apart. ... As for the Security Council’s consultations and the draft resolution being proposed in the guise of lessening the suffering of the Iraqi people by modifying the sanctions regime, they are merely attempts to perpetuate those sanctions eternally. Whether the sanctions imposed against Iraq are strong or weak, smart or dumb, they are in fact aimed against the present and future of an entire people.

Japan: We believe that there is a need to make adjustments to the current sanctions regime in order to alleviate their suffering, while retaining the objectives of the Council’s resolutions. It is in this context that we fully support the ongoing efforts of the Council to modify the current sanctions regime... .

Turkey: We believe that a comprehensive approach is required to overcome the present standstill in connection with the sanctions on Iraq. Like all those nations that are voicing their concerns and hopes here today, Turkey is deeply distressed by the ongoing suffering of the Iraqi people under the prevailing conditions. ... Turkey’s principal wish is to see these sanctions lifted altogether in the nearest possible future. ... The idea should therefore not be to make the present scope of trade with Iraq more restrictive and render the procedures more cumbersome, introducing new uncalled-for obligations into the system. It should, rather, pave the way for a more liberalized trade system that will both guard the economic and commercial interests of these countries and draw Iraq’s cooperation, which is essential, thus making arrangements workable.

India: India has always opposed sanctions that have a humanitarian impact... . We have repeatedly called for these sanctions to be lifted in tandem with Iraq’s compliance with the relevant Security Council resolutions. ... We see the need to develop fresh ideas and new mechanisms to serve the purpose of the United Nations. We hope the Council will act urgently to end the long nightmare of the people of Iraq.

Australia: Australia welcomes the constructive proposals put forward in the United Kingdom draft resolution ... . We believe that these proposals, if implemented, would make a significant difference to the flow of civilian goods to Iraq. ... United Nations sanctions are not aimed at the ordinary Iraqi person. Every effort has been made by the United Nations and the international community, including Australia, to limit their impact on the Iraqi people. The United Kingdom draft resolution would take us still further in this direction.

New Zealand: New Zealand fully supports the current efforts of the Council to revise the sanctions regime in respect of Iraq in order to permit the restoration of normal trade as far as possible, while maintaining effective controls on goods which may assist Iraq to rearm with weapons of mass destruction. ... My delegation considers that sanctions must be targeted for maximum effectiveness and focused so as to minimize any harmful impact on the humanitarian needs of the civilian population concerned. ... The urgent need to alleviate the serious humanitarian suffering of the Iraqi civilian population is well recognized.

Bahrain: Finally, we have no need to take up the humanitarian aspect of the sanctions. Many improvements have been made to the regime in order to satisfy the needs of the Iraqi people. ... [T]he Security Council must be prepared to lift the embargo against Iraq when the main dossiers on weapons of mass destruction are closed and when the issue of Kuwaiti prisoners of war, prisoners of other nationalities and Kuwaiti properties are resolved.

Germany: My country is concerned about the humanitarian situation in Iraq, and we are, like many other Member States, determined to improve that situation. We want to emphasize, however — and I say this in the presence of the representative of the Iraqi Government — that it remains the responsibility of the Government of Iraq alone to improve the situation of its population. For Germany, it goes without saying that the best solution would be the lifting of sanctions, but, of course, only after full compliance by the Government of Iraq with all relevant Security Council resolutions. ... The failure of the Government of Iraq to fulfil its obligations, most significantly visible through the continued denial of cooperation with the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency, prevents until this day, unfortunately, the lifting of sanctions. ... Nobody in Germany wants to see the Iraqi population suffer unnecessarily, but as long as the Government of Iraq does not comply with its international obligations, the question will not be whether to lift sanctions or not. The question will be how to improve the sanctions regime by making sanctions more targeted towards achievement of the objectives, by making them more efficient and by limiting their negative effects on the population of Iraq.

Netherlands: [L]et us not forget that it was Iraq itself that, by its actions, moved into the position of outcast. At the root of the present situation lies the 1990 invasion of Kuwait by Iraq. ...[T]he road to the full rehabilitation of Iraq is equally clear. The Government of Iraq must comply with and implement the relevant Security Council resolutions. Once Iraq has complied, sanctions will be lifted. ... We commend the United Kingdom for having taken the lead in these discussions.

Italy: In order for normal relations between Iraq and the international community to be re-established and for sanctions to be lifted, it is essential that the Iraqi Government show a spirit of full cooperation, first of all by welcoming the inspectors from the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission and allowing them to do their job. ... At the same time, one cannot but feel the greatest compassion for the innocent civilian population of Iraq, where health conditions, especially those of women and children, remain critical and cry out for a prompt and appropriate response by the international community. ...Measures must be devised to stimulate the supply of commodities and services and to facilitate economic cooperation, including investment in civilian sectors, starting with the water supply, sewage, energy, fuel and transportation.

Yemen: To this day, the people of Iraq — women, children and old people — continue to suffer hardship and pain. They continue to suffer the repercussions of a painful calamity and to pay an exorbitant price for it. ...[C]ontinuing the blockade against Iraq will pose a threat to peace and stability in the region for many years to come. How could it be otherwise when an entire generation of Iraqis live a life of misery, which breeds indignation and hatred and sows the seeds of future crisis? ...The comprehensive embargo imposed on Iraq 10 years ago continues ceaselessly to crush the Iraqi people. ... Indeed, life has come to an end for hundreds of thousands of children felled by disease and epidemic in the wake of a comprehensive blockade imposed by military force. A whole generation of Iraqis have become victims of the embargo, whose effects exceed those of the war in their scope, harmfulness, damage and seriousness. All sectors of the State and of society have been affected; the infrastructure has withered; health care and education have deteriorated, leaving behind permanent disabilities. ...We call for an end to the embargo, an end to the suffering of the Iraqi people so that they will have the opportunity to rebuild anew, to repair the damage, tragedy and pain caused by the embargo. The embargo imposed on Iraq, whether smart or stupid, today has no political or ethical justification. This is my country’s position. Arab public opinion feels that the Iraqis are the victims of collective punishment that was meted out to that people, who has suffered enough.

Syria: We are hopeful that the current consultations will lead to a definitive end to the suffering of millions of women, children, young people and the elderly in Iraq, all of whom are suffering from the harshness of the embargo and its destructive consequences at various levels. ... I would like to state that continuation of the sanctions will lead to serious repercussions for the unity of Iraq, for the security and stability of the region and for unforeseeable environmental and social deterioration, not to mention a grinding halt to development in all its forms. There is a strong wish in international public opinion, and particularly among Arab peoples, to lift the sanctions imposed on the Iraqi people in order to heal the wounds and put an end to suffering... .

Spain: [T]he Goods Review List, in our opinion, should be as short, concise and clear as possible in order to prevent the current situation of “holds”, which makes it difficult to use the benefits of these changes for the Iraqi people, who have suffered unjustly for a decade.

Canada: We admit that the sanctions regime has had weak points, but this draft resolution, if adopted, could eliminate most of these weaknesses once and for all. ... On the humanitarian front, the approach embodied by the United Kingdom’s draft resolution moves us closer to the objectives of targeted sanctions, which we believe should be the norm for all future Security Council sanctions efforts. ... We urge all members of the Council to support the United Kingdom’s draft resolution.

Thailand: Thailand is primarily concerned over the well-being and welfare of the people of Iraq. The sanctions imposed on Iraq by relevant resolutions of the Security Council have brought about hardship for ordinary Iraqi citizens. The suffering, particularly that of women, children and the elderly, has gone on for so long.

League of Arab States: The time is ripe for reaching an urgent solution, in accordance with the declaration issued by the Arab leaders at their recent summit in Amman, Jordan, on 27 and 28 March 2001, in which they called for the sanctions imposed against Iraq to be lifted. ... The League of Arab States calls for the lifting of the sanctions against Iraq and for an end to the blockade.

Iraq: Iraq has implemented all the obligations enshrined in the relevant Security Council resolutions. ... The fundamental content of these drafts entails a de facto new regime for blockading Iraq. There is no easing of sanctions. ... The Anglo-American plan, the French ideas and proposals and any attendant concepts will entail a full expropriation of the fate of the Iraqi State and people in all fields — politics, economics, development, trade, industry, finance and society. ... The so-called smart sanctions are but a new facet of neo-colonialism. We utterly refuse to be transformed into a mere consumer society — a society that eats but does not think, enjoys but does not produce — and for whom? For foreigners.

The quantity of food imported for 28 dogs utilized in the demining programme in the North for the period July 1999 to June 2000 was 11 tons. The price was around $33,000. As the number of dogs was 28, the value of each dog’s share was $1,143. By extrapolating that share on an annual basis, it comes to $1,248 per dog per year. ...What is an individual Iraqi’s share of the humanitarian programme, calculated on the basis of the value of goods received? The value of that share includes not only food, but also health services and everything else. That share is $125. So a dog’s food is 10 times the share of a human Iraqi, on the basis of goods received.