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News, 9-16/7/03 (2) RESTORING DEMOCRACY * 'No real planning for postwar Iraq' * Iraqi tribes prepare for political role * Chaldean Groups Protest Lack of Chaldean Representation in Iraqi Ruling Council * What Iraq Needs Now * A Look at Iraq's Governing Council * Chaldean Groups Protest Lack of Chaldean Representation in Iraqi Ruling Council * Iraqi interim administration divided at birth * Long-oppressed Turkmen demand a say in future of Iraq * Iraq to form war crimes court RESTORATION OF CULTURE * City High graduate launches English publication in Baghdad * Ashur added to World Heritage List * U.S. arrests Iraqi newspaper editor in Chicago * Editorials from the New Iraqi Press RESTORING DEMOCRACY http://www.bayarea.com/mld/mercurynews/news/6285262.htm * 'NO REAL PLANNING FOR POSTWAR IRAQ' by Jonathan S. Landay and Warren P. Strobel Knight Ridder Newspapers, 11th July [.....] Ultimately, however, the responsibility for ensuring that post-Saddam planning anticipated all possible complications lay with Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld and Bush's national security adviser, Condoleezza Rice, current and former officials said. The Pentagon planning group, directed by Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Douglas J. Feith, the department's No. 3 official, included hard-line conservatives who had long advocated using the American military to overthrow Saddam. Its day-to-day boss was William Luti, a former Navy officer who worked for Vice President Dick Cheney before joining the Pentagon. The Pentagon group insisted on doing it its way because it had a visionary strategy that it hoped would transform Iraq into an ally of Israel, remove a potential threat to the Persian Gulf oil trade and encircle Iran with U.S. friends and allies. The problem was that officials at the State Department and CIA thought the vision was badly flawed and impractical, so the Pentagon planners simply excluded their rivals from involvement. Feith, Luti and their advisers wanted to put Ahmad Chalabi - the controversial Iraqi exile leader of a coalition of opposition groups - in power in Baghdad. The Pentagon planners were convinced that Iraqis would warmly welcome the American-led coalition and that Chalabi, who boasted of having a secret network inside and outside the regime, and his supporters would replace Saddam and impose order. Feith, in a series of responses Friday to written questions, denied that the Pentagon wanted to put Chalabi in charge. But Pentagon adviser Richard Perle, who at the time was the chairman of the Defense Policy Board - an influential group of outside advisers to the Pentagon - and is close to Feith and Luti, acknowledged in an interview that installing Chalabi was the plan. Referring to the Chalabi scenario, Perle said: "The Department of Defense proposed a plan that would have resulted in a substantial number of Iraqis available to assist in the immediate postwar period." Had it been accepted, "we'd be in much better shape today," he said. Perle said blame for any planning failures belonged to the State Department and other agencies that opposed the Chalabi route. A senior administration official, who requested anonymity, said the Pentagon officials were enamored of Chalabi because he advocated normal diplomatic relations with Israel. They believed that would have "taken off the board" one of the only remaining major Arab threats to Israeli security. Moreover, Chalabi was key to containing the influence of Iran's radical Islamic leaders in the region, because he would have provided bases in Iraq for U.S. troops. That would complete Iran's encirclement by American military forces around the Persian Gulf and U.S. friends in Russia and Central Asia, he said. But the failure to consult more widely on what to do if the Chalabi scenario failed denied American planners the benefits of a vast reservoir of expertise gained from peacekeeping and reconstruction in shattered nations from Bosnia to East Timor. As one example, the Pentagon planners ignored an eight-month-long effort led by the State Department to prepare for the day when Saddam's dictatorship was gone. The "Future of Iraq" project, which involved dozens of exiled Iraqi professionals and 17 U.S. agencies, including the Pentagon, prepared strategies for everything from drawing up a new Iraqi judicial code to restoring the unique ecosystem of Iraq's southern marshes, which Saddam's regime had drained. Virtually none of the "Future of Iraq" project's work was used once Saddam fell. The first U.S. administrator in Iraq, retired Lt. Gen. Jay Garner, wanted the Future of Iraq project director, Tom Warrick, to join his staff in Baghdad. Warrick had begun packing his bags, but Pentagon civilians vetoed his appointment, said one current and one former official. Meanwhile, postwar planning documents from the State Department, CIA and elsewhere were "simply disappearing down the black hole" at the Pentagon, said a former U.S. official with long Middle East experience who recently returned from Iraq. Archaeological experts who were worried about protecting Iraq's immense cultural treasures were rebuffed in their requests for meetings before the war. After it, Iraq's museum treasures were looted. Responsibility for preparing for post-Saddam Iraq lay with senior officials who supervised the Office of Special Plans, a highly secretive group of analysts and consultants in the Pentagon's Near East/South Asia bureau. The office was physically isolated from the rest of the bureau. Air Force Lt. Col. Karen Kwiatkowski, who retired from the Near East bureau on July 1, said she and her colleagues were allowed little contact with the Office of Special Plans and often were told by the officials who ran it to ignore the State Department's concerns and views. "We almost disemboweled State," Kwiatkowski said. Senior State Department and White House officials verified her account and cited many instances where officials from other agencies were excluded from meetings or decisions. The Chalabi plan, fiercely opposed by the CIA and the State Department, ran into major problems. President Bush, after meeting with Iraqi exiles in January, told aides that, while he admired the Iraqi exiles, they wouldn't be rewarded with power in Baghdad. "The future of this country . . . is not going to be charted by people who sat out the sonofabitch (Saddam) in London or Cambridge, Massachusetts," one former senior White House official quoted Bush as saying. After that, the White House quashed the Pentagon's plan to create - before the war started - an Iraqi-government-in-exile that included Chalabi. The Chalabi scheme was dealt another major blow in February, a month before the war started, when U.S. intelligence agencies monitored him conferring with hard-line Islamic leaders in Tehran, Iran, a State Department official said. About the same time, an Iraqi Shiite militia that was based in Iran and known as the Badr Brigade began moving into northern Iraq, setting off alarm bells in Washington. At the State Department, officials drafted a memo, titled "The Perfect Storm," warning of a confluence of catastrophic developments that would endanger the goals of the coming U.S. invasion. Cheney, once a strong Chalabi backer, ordered the Pentagon to curb its support for the exiles, the official said. Yet Chalabi continued to receive Pentagon assistance, including backing for a 700-man paramilitary unit. The U.S. military flew Chalabi and his men at the height of the war from the safety of northern Iraq, which was outside Saddam's control, to an air base outside the southern city of Nasiriyah in expectation that he would soon take power. Chalabi settled into a former hunting club in the fashionable Mansour section of Baghdad. He was joined by Harold Rhode, a top Feith aide, said the former U.S. official who recently returned from Iraq. But Chalabi lacked popular support - graffiti in Iraq referred to "Ahmad the Thief" - and anti-American anger was growing over the looting and anarchy that followed Saddam's ouster. "It was very clear that there was an expectation that the exiles would be the core of an Iraqi interim (governing) authority," retired U.S. Ambassador Timothy Carney said. He was in Iraq in April to help with postwar reconstruction. Once Saddam's regime fell, American authorities "quickly grasped" that Chalabi and his people couldn't take charge, Carney said. However, the Pentagon had devised no backup plan. Numerous officials in positions to know said that if Pentagon civilians had a detailed plan that anticipated what could happen after Saddam fell, it was invisible to them. Garner's team didn't even have such basics as working cell phones and adequate transportation. And Garner was replaced in May - much earlier than planned - by L. Paul Bremer. [.....] For example, the government of Turkey, which borders Iraq to the north and was being asked by Washington to allow 60,000 American troops to invade Iraq from its soil, peppered the U.S. government with 51 questions about postwar plans. The reply came in a cable Feb. 5, more than 10 pages long, from the State Department. Largely drafted by the Pentagon, it answered many of Ankara's queries, but on some questions, including the structure of the postwar government in Iraq, the cable affirmed that "no decision has been made," a senior administration official said. The response was "still in work, still in work . . . we're still working on that," Kwiatkowski said. "Basically an empty answer." RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC RFE/RL IRAQ REPORT Vol. 6, No. 30, 11 July 2003 * IRAQI TRIBES PREPARE FOR POLITICAL ROLE The Iraqi Tribes Democratic Grouping gathered in Baghdad on 7 July to address prospects for a future political role for Iraq's tribes, Al-Jazeera reported the same day. The tribes are currently divided into nine groupings, the satellite channel reported. "We call on the Iraqi national movement's parties and factions to quickly form specialized committees and to craft an ambitious Iraqi constitution, which must include the constitutional and legal structure of the system, and to ensure the rights of all Iraqis, regardless of their ethnic or religious affiliations," member Wa'il al-Rikabi told the conferees. The tribes called on political parties to hold an expanded conference in the near future and urged Iraqi citizens to not resort to violence when seeking their rights, Al-Jazeera reported. (Kathleen Ridolfo) http://www.chaldeansonline.net/chaldeanews/cnc_cdu.html * CHALDEAN GROUPS PROTEST LACK OF CHALDEAN REPRESENTATION IN IRAQI RULING COUNCIL Chaldean National Congress Press release, 14th July The Chaldean National Congress and the United Chaldean Democratic Party, representing the Chaldean national movement, issued a joint press release protesting strongly the lack of any Chaldean representative in the Iraqi Ruling Council that was recently appointed by the American Civil Governor of Iraq, Mr. Paul Bremer. Following the joint press release of the two groups, Mr. Ghassan Hanna, General Secretary of the Chaldean National Movement, promised a major campaign inside and outside Iraq to protest that great injustice against the Chaldeans. "We will allow no one to sidestep the Chaldean presence or claim its representation, and we will work with all our power to get the Chaldean voice heard till justice is done ". Below is a copy of the complete press release: Honorable Mr. Paul Bremer, Civil Governor on Iraq Honorable Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, UN Special Envoy to Iraq Honorable Members of the Iraqi Ruling Council Honorable Leaders of Iraqi Parties and Patriotic Personalities We were looking forward for the creation of the Iraqi Ruling Council, and we're extremely pleased for its birth which we consider as the first step on the road to bringing life back to governmental agencies and organizations so they could start servicing the Iraqi people. Also, so as that council could bring back the much needed security and stability as well as establishing the rule of law throughout Iraq. We would also like to affirm our full respect and high regard for this council and wish it all the success in its duty to serve our homeland and people, especially, since it has among its members a number of highly respected Iraqi personalities who are well known for their struggle against the former regime. Having said that, we on the other hand, would like to protest in the strongest terms your complete disregard for the Chaldeans as demonstrated in your failure to include their representatives in your council. That is despite their honorable history in the service of Iraq and despite their being the third largest Iraqi ethnic group, as well as despite their making up more than 80% of Iraqi Christians i.e. being the absolute majority of Christians. Your clear failure to acknowledge our existence and refusal to add our representatives to the council is a direct attack against the democratic principles which you claim to follow. Those principles that advocate the rule of the majority and its representation in the making of decisions, all while taking into consideration the rights of the minority. Hence, we strongly demand and in the name of justice, rectitude, and democracy to add a Chaldean representative to your council as well as to all future committees that will be created. Failure to do that will be considered a clear violation and outright disregard for the democratic principles that you claim to follow, as well as a clear breach of your own public commitments in working towards the full representation of all the components of the Iraqi population, including the Chaldeans. Your clear disregard for the Chaldean existence is unjust and tyrannical which we will not accept and strongly reject, especially, in a country which you claim to work towards turning into a model of democracy in the area. http://www.nytimes.com/2003/07/09/opinion/09BARZ.html?th * WHAT IRAQ NEEDS NOW by Jalal Talabani and Massoud Barzani New York Times, 9th July ERBIL, Iraq: Some day, we Iraqis hope to celebrate an Independence Day like the one Americans have just observed. But for the near future we face the challenge of translating liberation into democracy ‹ a goal we Kurds will push for even more diligently now that we have agreed to join the interim Iraqi administration that will be formed this month. To that end, we will work closely with the United States to establish security, revive the economy and build a democratic culture. Our aims may appear optimistic with American and British forces struggling to establish order and restore public services in some areas of Iraq. Yet the picture is not quite as grim as some claim. The assaults on American soldiers are not "resistance to foreign occupation." Rather, they are acts of terrorism by the Baathist remnants of the Saddam Hussein regime. These remnants are so reviled in Iraq that they have had to resort to foreign volunteers, for few Iraqis will take up arms on their behalf. Since they lack the support of the people, the Baathists will be defeated ‹ a process that can be accelerated if we establish a national security force. That would be one major step toward making Iraq safer. But another security problem, widespread looting, requires more than just better policing. The looting has its roots in economic problems. Iraq's economy is largely moribund. The wages paid by the coalition are often not enough to make ends meet. Exporting oil will help, but what Iraq really needs is comprehensive economic reforms to encourage investment. We applaud the moves, announced this week by American officials, to create a new Iraqi currency and restructure the central bank, as a welcome start to such reforms. One simple way to improve the economy in our part of Iraq, Kurdistan, is to ensure that the Kurds receive the money allocated to them by the United Nations oil-for-food program. It is a scandal that $4 billion destined for the Kurds sits, unused, in a United Nations-controlled French bank account because of past obstruction by Saddam Hussein and the present incompetence of the United Nations bureaucracy. The delays by the United Nations are particularly frustrating because of rules that require the money to go into a general Iraqi development fund if it isn't spent by October. We have repeatedly sought assurances from the coalition that this money will not be lost to Iraqi Kurdistan. So far, the coalition response has been unclear. Let us be clear, however. We are not seeking lavish handouts from American taxpayers or the international community ‹ we are asking only for what is rightfully ours. And any perception that the Kurds, the United States' closest ally in Iraq, are being let down will dishearten the many other Iraqis who want to work with the United States. Not releasing that money also means not addressing a critical issue of justice ‹ reversing decades of ethnic cleansing that has forced close to one million people in Iraqi Kurdistan from their homes. Just a small fraction of the oil-for-food money would finance the return of many of those who were evicted, and pay for the decent resettlement of the Arabs who took over their land. Thus far we have averted the chaos of a flood of displaced families trying to return home by counseling patience to the Kurds, Turkmens and Assyrian Christians who were forced out. This patience, however, is not infinite. In the coming months we want to work with the coalition to set up a fair, transparent mechanism to allow these people to come home. Thus far, the coalition has taken important steps toward promoting democracy. But aspects of the overall strategy remain vague. What Iraqis have learned from their encounters with American soldiers and officials is that they seek to democratize, not to dominate. While we are working with L. Paul Bremer III, the American occupation administrator, to set up constitutional councils to initiate the political process, we need to mark out a clear path toward national elections and representative government, so that Iraqis have some sense of certainty about their political future. One positive development is that the main Iraqi political groups have been able to reach consensus on the next stage of self-governance in Iraq. Also crucial to realizing President Bush's vision of a democratic Iraq is his, and our, belief in a federal Iraq. For too long, both Baathist and Arab nationalist regimes held Iraq together by brute force. That is no longer an option. Iraq was a state imposed upon its inhabitants, a country whose preservation has cost too many lives. The new Iraq has to be different, a democratically created state that reflects the will of its peoples and accommodates their diversity. For that reason, and with United States backing, we advocate a federal system of government. Iraqi federalism will of course differ from that of the United States, but the fundamental principle will be the same: a balanced system of government with considerable local autonomy and a sovereign, federal center. Democracy in Iraq will take time to establish itself. For more than three decades, Iraqis endured a regime that carried out genocide, including the anti-Kurdish Anfal campaign of 1987-88, which littered the country with mass graves and "disappeared" hundreds of thousands. Iraq was a society where the faintest hint of dissent could lead to a death sentence, as the Kurds gassed in Halabja discovered. The first building blocks of Iraqi federalism and democracy have already been laid in Iraqi Kurdistan. Thanks to protection from American and British air power, facilitated by Turkey, Kurds have had 12 years of a sometimes faltering, but ultimately hopeful, experiment in self rule, openness and pluralism. With continued help from the United States, and with our work on the interim Iraqi administration, what has become known as the Kurdish experiment in democracy can be a model for all of Iraq. Jalal Talabani is secretary general of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. Massoud Barzani is president of the Kurdistan Democratic Party. http://www.abcnews.go.com/wire/World/ap20030714_38.html * A LOOK AT IRAQ'S GOVERNING COUNCIL ABC News, from The Associated Press, 14th July Thumbnail sketches of members of Iraq's newly named 25-member Governing Council: AHMAD CHALABI: A Shiite and leader of the London-based anti-Saddam Iraqi National Congress. Chalabi, a 58-year-old former banker who left Iraq as a teenager, had been touted in some U.S. government circles as a future Iraqi leader though he denies he has any ambitions to lead the country. He also has many critics who are opposed to anyone ruling Iraq after spending so many years abroad. Chalabi was convicted in absentia of fraud in a banking scandal in Jordan in 1989 and sentenced to 20 years in prison. His group is an umbrella organization for a number of disparate groups, including Kurds and Shiites. ABDEL-AZIZ AL-HAKIM: A Shiite and a leader of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq. SCIRI, long based in neighboring Iran, opposes a U.S. administration in the country but has close ties with the other U.S.-backed groups that opposed Saddam, including the Kurds and Chalabi's INC. JALAL TALABANI: A Sunni Kurd and leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. He and Massoud Barzani of the Kurdistan Democratic Party led the Kurdish zone in northern Iraq that had near-autonomy from Saddam's regime since the 1991 Gulf War. Born in Kirkuk Province in 1934, Talabani joined the KDP at the age of 15 and rose to its politburo in 1953. But he broke with the KDP and founded the PUK in 1957. MASSOUD BARZANI: A Sunni Kurd and leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party. Barzani, 56, leads the KDP, founded in 1946 by his father, the legendary mountain warrior Mustafa Barzani. He was a teenager when he became an aide to his father, then became KDP president when his father died in 1979. In 1983, three of his brothers disappeared in what Kurds call an Iraqi massacre of the Barzani clan when 8,000 people were rounded up by the Baghdad regime. IBRAHIM AL-JAAFARI: A Shiite and the main spokesman for the Islamic Dawa Party. The party, once based in Iran, launched a bloody campaign against Saddam's regime in the late 1970's, but it was crushed in 1982. The group said it lost 77,000 members in its war against Saddam. Born in Karbala, al-Jaafari was educated at Mosul University as a medical doctor. NASEER KAMEL AL-CHADERCHI: A Sunni and leader of the National Democratic Party. He lives in Baghdad and works as a lawyer, businessman and farmowner. He is the son of Kamel al-Chaderchi, who played a leading role in Iraq's democratic development until 1968, when the Baath Party seized power. IYAD ALLAWI: A Shiite and secretary-general of the Iraq National Accord. He is a medical doctor and began opposition to the Iraqi regime in the early 1970's. He was at the forefront of efforts to organize opposition both within Iraq and abroad. ADNAN PACHACHI: A Sunni who served as foreign minister in the government deposed by Saddam's Baath party in 1968. The respected, 80-year-old politician founded the Independent Democratic Movement in February to provide a platform for Iraqis who back a secular, democratic government. He returned to Iraq in May after 32 years in exile. AHMAD SHYA'A AL-BARAK: A Shiite and general coordinator for the Human Rights Association of Babel. He also is coordinator for the Iraqi Bar Association. He has worked with U.N. programs in Iraq since 1991 in the Foreign Ministry. AQUILA AL-HASHIMI: A Shiite and diplomat, she led the Iraqi delegation to the New York donor's conference for Iraq. She holds a doctorate in modern literature and bachelor's degree in Law. RAJA HABIB AL-KHUZAAI: A Shiite woman who heads the maternity hospital in the southern city of Diwaniyah. She studied and lived in Britain from the late 1960s until 1977, when she returned to Iraq. HAMID MAJID MOUSSA: A Shiite and secretary of the Iraqi Communist Party since 1993. He is an economist and petroleum researcher. He left Iraq in 1978 and returned in 1983 to continue his political activities against the Saddam regime. MOHAMMED BAHR AL-ULOUM: A highly respected Shiite cleric who returned from London where he headed the Ahl al-Bayt charitable center. He was elected as the Shiite member of a leadership triumvirate by the Iraqi opposition after the 1991 Gulf War. GHAZI MASHAL AJIL AL-YAWER: A Sunni who was born in the northern city of Mosul. He is a civil engineer and recently vice president of Hicap Technology Co. in Saudi Arabia. MOHSEN ABDEL-HAMID: A Sunni and secretary-general of the Iraqi Islamic Party. He was born in the northern city of Kirkuk and is author of more than 30 books on interpretation of the Quran. He was detained in 1996 on charge of reorganizing the IIP. SAMIR SHAKIR MAHMOUD: A Sunni and member of al-Sumaidy clan. A writer from the western city of Haditha, he was a prominent figure in the opposition to Saddam's regime. MAHMOUD OTHMAN: A Sunni Kurd who is politically independent but a longtime leader of the Kurdish National Struggle. SALAHEDDINE MUHAMMAD BAHAAEDDINE: A Sunni Kurd who was first elected secretary-general of the Kurdistan Islamic Union in the first conference of the party in 1994. He was born in the Kurdish village of Halabja and has written several books in Kurdish and Arabic. YOUNADEM KANA: An Assyrian Christian, secretary-general of the Democratic Assyrian Movement and active member of the Assyrian-Chaldian Christian community. He was a former minister of public works and housing and a former minister of industry and energy in Iraqi Kurdistan. He began activism against Saddam in 1979. MOUWAFAK AL-RABII: A Shiite and longtime human rights activists. A member of the British Royal Doctors' College, he practices internal medicine and neurology. DARA NOOR ALZIN: A Sunni Kurd who served as a judge on the Court of Appeal. He ruled that of Saddam's edicts confiscating land without proper compensation was unconstitutional. He was sentenced to two years in prison, eight of them served at the notorious Abu Ghraib prison west of Baghdad before being released in a general amnesty in October. SONDUL CHAPOUK: A Turkoman and a woman from the northern city of Kirkuk. She was trained as an engineer and teacher. She serves as leader of the Iraqi Women's Organization. WAEL ABDUL-LATIF: A Shiite lawyer and judge, named governor of the southern city of Basra on July 4 by local authorities. ABDUL-KARIM MAHMOUD AL-MOHAMMEDAWI: A Shiite, dubbed "Prince of the Marshes" for leading the resistance movement against Saddam in the southern march region of Iraq for 17 years. He was imprisoned for six years and leads the Iraqi political group Hezbollah in the southern city of Amarah. ABDEL-ZAHRAA OTHMAN: A Shiite and the leader of the Islamic Dawa Movement in Basra. He is a writer, philosopher and political activist, who served as editor of several newspapers and magazines. http://www.chaldeansonline.net/chaldeanews/cnc_cdu.html * CHALDEAN GROUPS PROTEST LACK OF CHALDEAN REPRESENTATION IN IRAQI RULING COUNCIL Chaldean National Congress Press release, 14th July The Chaldean National Congress and the United Chaldean Democratic Party, representing the Chaldean national movement, issued a joint press release protesting strongly the lack of any Chaldean representative in the Iraqi Ruling Council that was recently appointed by the American Civil Governor of Iraq, Mr. Paul Bremer. Following the joint press release of the two groups, Mr. Ghassan Hanna, General Secretary of the Chaldean National Movement, promised a major campaign inside and outside Iraq to protest that great injustice against the Chaldeans. "We will allow no one to sidestep the Chaldean presence or claim its representation, and we will work with all our power to get the Chaldean voice heard till justice is done ". Below is a copy of the complete press release: Honorable Mr. Paul Bremer, Civil Governor on Iraq Honorable Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, UN Special Envoy to Iraq Honorable Members of the Iraqi Ruling Council Honorable Leaders of Iraqi Parties and Patriotic Personalities We were looking forward for the creation of the Iraqi Ruling Council, and we're extremely pleased for its birth which we consider as the first step on the road to bringing life back to governmental agencies and organizations so they could start servicing the Iraqi people. Also, so as that council could bring back the much needed security and stability as well as establishing the rule of law throughout Iraq. We would also like to affirm our full respect and high regard for this council and wish it all the success in its duty to serve our homeland and people, especially, since it has among its members a number of highly respected Iraqi personalities who are well known for their struggle against the former regime. Having said that, we on the other hand, would like to protest in the strongest terms your complete disregard for the Chaldeans as demonstrated in your failure to include their representatives in your council. That is despite their honorable history in the service of Iraq and despite their being the third largest Iraqi ethnic group, as well as despite their making up more than 80% of Iraqi Christians i.e. being the absolute majority of Christians. Your clear failure to acknowledge our existence and refusal to add our representatives to the council is a direct attack against the democratic principles which you claim to follow. Those principles that advocate the rule of the majority and its representation in the making of decisions, all while taking into consideration the rights of the minority. Hence, we strongly demand and in the name of justice, rectitude, and democracy to add a Chaldean representative to your council as well as to all future committees that will be created. Failure to do that will be considered a clear violation and outright disregard for the democratic principles that you claim to follow, as well as a clear breach of your own public commitments in working towards the full representation of all the components of the Iraqi population, including the Chaldeans. Your clear disregard for the Chaldean existence is unjust and tyrannical which we will not accept and strongly reject, especially, in a country which you claim to work towards turning into a model of democracy in the area. http://news.ft.com/servlet/ContentServer?pagename=FT.com/StoryFT/FullStory&c =StoryFT&cid=1057562353641&p=1012571727088 * IRAQI INTERIM ADMINISTRATION DIVIDED AT BIRTH by Charles Clover in Baghdad Financial Times, 14th July A 25-member interim administration for postwar Iraq met for the first time on Sunday and immediately exposed divisions over the council's powers and relations with the US-led coalition. The creation of the interim administration, known as the governing council, ends months of negotiations between coalition and Iraqi political groups. It will have many of the functions of a provisional government although the US-led Coalition Provisional Authority in Baghdad can veto its decisions. The body's first decision on Sunday was to ban all holidays associated with Saddam Hussein's regime. The council also declared April 9, the day Baghdad was captured by US forces, as a national holiday. But at a rowdy press conference led by Mohammed Bahr al-Ulloum, the council's representative, council members, while united in hatred of Mr Hussein, appeared divided on the subject of the coalition presence in Iraq. Disagreement on this fundamental issue raged between Abdel Aziz al Hakim, representing the Iran-backed Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, and Ahmed Chalabi (pictured), head of the Pentagon-backed Iraqi National Congress. Mr al Hakim referred to the coalition as occupiers while Mr Chalabi insisted they were liberators. Tempers also flared over the question of what powers the governing council would have. Jalal Talabani, a council member and head of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, said the council enjoyed "practically all the functions of a government". Mr al Hakim disagreed, saying the council's executive functions were limited but he hoped this would be fixed in stages. "We have nonetheless decided to participate because we consider this a correct first step," he said. The issue of the council chairmanship was postponed. Perhaps the most daunting hurdle will be the scepticism of ordinary Iraqis who view many council members as stooges of the US and the council as a puppet government. The 25 members were chosen jointly by Paul Bremer, the head of the CPA, and seven political parties, many of them US-supported, known as the leadership committee, each of which was given one seat. The council was intended to reflect the "demographic and geographical make-up of Iraq", said Basil al Naqeeb, an official from the Independent Democratic party. The appointments apparently took account of Iraq's majority Shi'a Muslim population. The council includes 13 Shi'a Muslims, five Sunni Muslims, five Kurds, one Christian and one Turkmen. Two women among the 25 members appeared on Sunday on the podium, wearing headscarves. According to the CPA, the council will be able to appoint ministers, except in defence and security posts, and diplomats to represent Iraq abroad, though not at ambassador level. Technically, the CPA will wield a veto over decisions by the governing council although, according to Adnan Pachichi - tipped as a possible candidate for the council chairmanship - "If there is any disagreement with Mr Bremer, we do not expect them to use a veto, but to resolve the issue through negotiations." http://www.dailystar.com.lb/opinion/15_07_03_c.asp * LONG-OPPRESSED TURKMEN DEMAND A SAY IN FUTURE OF IRAQ by Nermeen al-Mufti Lebanon Daily Star, 15th July For three decades, the former Iraqi president, Saddam Hussein, implemented a policy of "Arabization" in wide areas of northern Iraq, bringing thousands of tribal Arabs from southern and central Iraq to the oil-rich north, and expelling non-Arab minorities - Turkmen, Kurds and Assyrians. Since the fall of the Baath regime, a new campaign has been initiated, this time to "Kurdicize" towns like Kirkuk and Tuz Khurmatu where more than 50 percent of the population is Turkmen. The two main Kurdish parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Massoud Barzani and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan of Jalal Talabani, have brought thousands of Kurdish families from the predominantly Kurdish north to ethnically mixed towns like Kirkuk, which had been under the control of the Baath regime. Officials of the Anglo-American coalition have insisted that Kirkuk's city council should include two members each from the Arab, Kurdish, Turkmen and Assyrian communities. But there have already been bloody clashes between Kurds and Arabs and tough talking between Kurds and Turkmen. Unless the minorities' situation is addressed, more serious problems could lie ahead. Turkmen, who are concentrated mainly in the northern and central regions of Iraq, are the third-largest ethnic group in the country after Arabs and Kurds. Originally from Central Asia, they began settling in Iraq thousands of years ago in a migration that stretched over several hundred years. They have ruled the country six times since establishing their first state in northern Iraq in around 600 BC. The exact number of Turkmen is a matter of dispute with Iraqi Kurds, who claim that Kirkuk and its environs are a Kurdish region. Extrapolating from a 1957 figure of 590,000 Turkmen in an overall population of 6 million, one might estimate that Iraq today has some 2 million Turkmen citizens. Roughly half of them live along an arc of land on the fringe of the Kurdish mountains, in the provinces of Mosul, Irbil and Kirkuk. Since the 1970s, the non-Arab peoples of northern Iraq have been favorite targets of Saddam Hussein and his Baath Party, which stressed the primacy of Arabs at the expense of non Arab minorities. Turkmen and Kurds especially were victims of a policy to Arabize oil-rich regions where they are a majority. However, most of the Arabs brought in by the former regime were poor and uneducated and were isolated by the Turkmen, especially in Kirkuk. Due to this marginalization, many left the town. Under the Baath regime, thousands of villages were destroyed and their inhabitants expelled or forcibly transferred to remote areas of southern Iraq. Many of the limited cultural rights granted to Turkmen - Turkish-language education in primary schools, daily radio and television broadcasts and a newspaper - were withdrawn by 1972. According to Human Rights Watch, Saddam Hussein's regime used a wide range of tactics and demands to put pressure on Kurdish, Turkmen and Assyrian families in order to make them abandon their homes. These included compelling them to change their ethnicity - a process known as "nationality correction" - forcibly enrolling them into the Baath Party and "volunteer' paramilitary structures, pressuring families with relatives in Kurdistan and attempting to recruit informers. Nationality correction, formally introduced in 1997, required members of ethnic groups residing in Kirkuk, Khaniqin, Makhmour, Sinjar, Tuz Khormatu and other districts to relinquish their Kurdish, Turkmen or Assyrian identities and register officially as Arabs. Until they did so, they were not permitted to work - even in agriculture - or buy or build a house. Those who refused were invariably expelled from their homes. When Kirkuk was liberated last April, Kurdish fighters, with the approval and assistance of coalition forces, turned up in the town insisting it was the heart of Kurdistan. At the same time, Turkmen parties peacefully entered the town saying there could be no Turkmen without Kirkuk and no Kirkuk without Turkmen. The tensions rose. Since the Iraq war ended, Turkmen have established a local television and radio station and a number of professional unions. Muzaffar Arsalan, the founder of the Iraqi Turkmen National Front, an umbrella organization of Turkmen parties established in exile, has ruled out armed struggle to defend the community's rights. "We have insisted on peaceful opposition right from the beginning," he said in an interview. "We will obtain our rights with the support of our people. Nothing can be gained without popular support. Saddam Hussein is the prime example of this. He had everything but popular support. This resulted in his downfall." Human Rights Watch has urged the occupying powers to take a number of measures to defend minority rights, including preserving all records establishing the ethnicity and place of origin of displaced Iraqis and establishing a public register of all Kurds, Turkmen and Assyrians forcibly expelled from their homes. Arsalan has called for scrutiny of official documents to determine land rights in contested areas. "The issue can be resolved by referring to the facts," he said. "There is no need for arms, terror or intimidation. All Iraqis should be granted their rights under the constitution." Nermeen al-Mufti is a Turkmen writer and journalist. The Daily Star publishes a revised version of this commentary courtesy of the London-based Institute for War and Peace Reporting (www.iwpr.net) http://www.reuters.co.uk/newsPackageArticle.jhtml?type=worldNews&storyID=340 327 * IRAQ TO FORM WAR CRIMES COURT by Nadim Ladki Reuters, 15th July BAGHDAD: Iraq's new U.S.-backed Governing Council has agreed to set up a war crimes tribunal that will try ousted President Saddam Hussein and his top associates, a spokesman for a key party in the council says. U.S. administrator Paul Bremer said Washington and London would pull out their forces from Iraq once the coalition's mission was accomplished. "We have no desire to stay a day longer than necessary," he told reporters in Baghdad. A delegation from the Governing Council will visit U.N. headquarters in New York next week and hopes to address the Security Council, U.N. officials said. The council will also lobby for a seat in the U.N. General Assembly. [.....] Washington blames attacks on its forces on supporters of Saddam, who disappeared during the U.S.-led invasion. Thirty-four people on a U.S. list of 55 most-wanted Iraqis are either dead or in the hands of U.S. and British forces. "The Governing Council will take it upon itself to try them and to punish them according to law," said Entifadh Qanbar, spokesman for the Iraqi National Congress led by Governing Council member Ahmed Chalabi. "That includes Saddam Hussein, the biggest criminal." He did not say whether Saddam would be tried in absentia. Qanbar said the council formed a commission to lay down laws that would allow it to put suspected war criminals on trial, including for mass killings, executions and chemical attacks against Kurds in the 1980s. Qanbar said the 25-member council, formed on Sunday, would also create a commission to look into ways to "uproot" Saddam's once all-powerful Baath Party from Iraqi society. The visit of the council delegation to the U.N., tentatively slated for next Tuesday, would mark one of its first official acts, and U.N. diplomats said the Americans were hoping no member state would raise an objection to the unusual request. Convincing the United Nations to accept an ambassador to represent a new Iraqi government that does not yet exist could be a problem, but only if the General Assembly's credentials committee makes it a problem, the diplomats said. [.....] RESTORATION OF CULTURE http://www.mlive.com/printer/printer.ssf?/xml/story.ssf/html_standard.xsl?/b ase/news-9/10573300288420.xml * CITY HIGH GRADUATE LAUNCHES ENGLISH PUBLICATION IN BAGHDAD by Jeff Vandam The Grand Rapids Press, 4th July When David Enders, editor of the Baghdad Bulletin, looked at the proofs for his upstart newsmagazine before it went to press, he noticed something askew. The printer hired by Enders and his partners -- an enthusiastic Iraqi man who lives several miles north of Baghdad -- had made a mistake. Instead of printing the text of the English-language magazine from left to right, he printed it from right to left, the way Arabic text is written. The error forced Enders, a 1999 graduate of Grand Rapids' City High School, and his staff to wait an extra day to release their second issue on the streets of Baghdad. Iraqis and occupying soldiers had been waiting two weeks since the release of the Bulletin's inaugural issue, which was an instant success. When the 24-page issue finally came out June 24 -- printed correctly -- it featured on its cover a brilliant blue banner and a photo of Iraqis marching with protest banners. Inside were articles about Baghdad's closed stock exchange, the Iraqi black market for passports and potential regime change in Iran. Baghdad residents who read the first issue of the Bulletin said they had not seen anything quite like it. Enders, 22, and a few friends from American University in Beirut came to the Iraqi capital less than two months earlier on a guarded caravan to create their publication. Within just a month of their arrival, they had secured funding, printing presses, an office and a stable of writers to produce their first issue, which hit newsstands June 9 at a price of 500 Iraqi dinars, or about 40 cents. The online version is at www.baghdadbulletin.com. With little more than a series of internships as his journalistic background, Enders and his colleagues are striving to bring responsible journalism to Baghdad. "It's gone quite well, though it's hard to tell whether that's because people really like our content or because we're virtually the only English-language publication available on the street," Enders said. The Baghdad Bulletin was not born in a news meeting or a smoke-filled room, but over a cup of tea in the England home of Ralph Hassall, a 23-year-old Briton who is friends with Enders. Hassall was at home during his Easter holiday from Arabic classes at the American University in Beirut when his mother made a suggestion to him. "You know what Iraq will need?" she said. "An English-language paper." Hassall thought the idea might interest Enders, whom he had met in Beirut earlier in the year at the university there. Enders, a University of Michigan student who spent his last semester abroad, had some journalistic experience through internships at The Grand Rapids Press, the Associated Press and The New York Times. Because Enders and Hassall had discussed traveling east to Iraq from Lebanon to pursue free-lance journalism work, Hassall called Enders to tell him about his mother's suggestion. While receptive to the idea, Enders' primary concern was money. How would they fund something it? Hassall approached a few financiers in London and secured a loan of 10,000 pounds -- or about $16,700 -- enough to pay for living expenses and equipment in Baghdad for a few months. Less than two weeks later, on May 1, Enders and Hassall hitched a ride on a caravan to Iraq from Amman, Jordan, to look at old Baath Party printing presses. Things went better than Enders anticipated. A few weeks later, he and Hassall were living and working in a large house in the upscale Baghdad district of Mansur. The house, which belonged to an Iraqi man who had fled to Lebanon, was across the street from the home of Jalal Talabani, the founder and Secretary General of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. On May 18, Enders posted an entry on his Web page for his friends and family to read. "Baghdad is kind of a mess," he wrote. "Imagine a place with absolutely no laws, and yes, it is true that pretty much everyone (EVERYONE) besides me is carrying a gun." Enders' mother, Denise Joseph-Enders, a special education consultant at Comstock Park High School, thought the Bulletin was a joke when Enders first e-mailed her about it. Now she says she has come around to the idea. Sort of. "He feels that this is a good thing to do and the right thing to do, so I have really no control," she said. "And I'm happy for him." After a whirlwind of long days and little sleep for the Bulletin's staff of 11 people, most of whom were paid $50 a week, the first issue hit the streets June 9. Enders and Hassall attracted a range of guest writers to their pages, including Ann Clwyd, the United Kingdom's special envoy for human rights in Iraq, and Hussain Abdul-Hussain, a former Iraqi exile who is a reporter for the Beirut Daily Star. Advertising is key at most publications, and the Bulletin is no different. But circulation drives ad rates. So while the Bulletin's first issue had a 40-cent cover price, Enders and Hassall thought it wise to drum up interest by giving away most of the 10,000 copies they had printed. They hired a staff of five Baghdadis to bring the paper to English-speaking neighborhoods. The people they hired were so pleased to get the job that they acquired matching hats and shirts without any prompting. And they told Enders they would have delivered the Bulletin for free. Enders said the first issue was gobbled up by American and British soldiers, who were desperate for something to read in English, and even more so by Iraqis, who were desperate for news of their country's reconstruction. The country has many English-speaking Iraqis, in part owing to past British occupation. Now that the second issue is in the hands of the Iraqi public, the challenge for the Bulletin is to start turning a profit. Enders and Hassall have an offer from a news agency asking them to serve as the agency's principal source for news in the Middle East. The U.S. Army wants to share printing presses with the Bulletin for its own newspaper. For his part, Enders is settling into his new role. He recently adopted the style of many Iraqi men by growing a mustache. "I don't like it, but I'm not going to tell him," said his girlfriend, Lauren Aposhian, 21, of the Detroit suburb of Royal Oak. "He says he thinks it makes him look older, but it doesn't. It makes him look like a 12-year-old with a mustache. But if it's going to increase his chances of survival, I'm all for it." RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC RFE/RL IRAQ REPORT Vol. 6, No. 30, 11 July 2003 * ASHUR ADDED TO WORLD HERITAGE LIST The cultural landscape and archaeological remains of the ancient city of Ashur has been added to both the World Heritage List and the List of World Heritage in Danger, according to a United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) press release dated 2 July. The decision was made at the 27th session of UNESCO's World Heritage Committee meeting. Ashur, founded in the third millennium B.C., served as the capital of the Assyrian Empire from the 14th to the 9th centuries, B.C. Located along the Tigris River in the northern Iraqi Salah Al-Din Province and now known as Qal'at Sherqat, Ashur was a major international trading town. Ashur was also the religious capital of the Assyrians, associated with the god Ashur. Kings were crowned and buried in this city-state. The city was destroyed by the Babylonians, but revived during the Parthian period in the 1st and 2nd century A.D., according to UNESCO. "The excavated remains of the public and residential buildings of Ashur provide an outstanding record of the evolution of building practices from the Sumerian and Akkadian period through the Assyrian empire, as well as including the short revival during the Parthian period," UNESCO stated as part of its justification for naming Ashur to the World Heritage List. "When the property was nominated before the conflict, a large dam project threatened the site, which would have been partially flooded by a reservoir. While the dam project has been suspended by the current administration, the committee considered that its possible future construction, as well as the present lack of adequate protection, justified the inscription of the site on the List of World Heritage in Danger," UNESCO noted. To view the World Heritage Committee's findings, visit UNESCO's Iraq page at (http://whc.unesco.org/sites/1130.htm). (Kathleen Ridolfo) RADIO FREE EUROPE/RADIO LIBERTY, PRAGUE, CZECH REPUBLIC RFE/RL IRAQ REPORT Vol. 6, No. 30, 11 July 2003 * U.S. ARRESTS IRAQI NEWSPAPER EDITOR IN CHICAGO U.S. authorities arrested a Chicago-area newspaper editor on 9 July on charges that he worked as an unregistered agent of the Iraqi government under deposed President Hussein, "The Washington Post" reported on 10 July. Prosecutors said that Khalid Abd al-Latif Dumaysi, 60, produced bogus press passes for Iraqi intelligence agents and reported to Hussein's government on the activities of Iraqi opposition leaders in the United States. He also reportedly traveled to Iraq to attend birthday celebrations for the now deposed leader and received thousands of dollars for his assistance. U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald said that while Dumaysi's actions did not constitute espionage against the United States, "Those who gather information in the United States about people living in America for the purpose of providing the information to hostile governments should understand that the FBI will pursue them vigorously. We cannot tolerate people doing that." Court documents related to a citizenship application filed by Dumaysi in December 2001 indicate that he holds Jordanian citizenship, according to "The Washington Post." His application for U.S. citizenship was denied due to a lack of proper documentation, the daily reported. (Kathleen Ridolfo) http://www.memri.org/bin/opener_latest.cgi?ID=SD53703 * EDITORIALS FROM THE NEW IRAQI PRESS MEMRI Baghdad Dispatch (1), nd (sent to list, 15th July) [.....] Endnotes: (1) Al-Iraq Al-Jadid, July 7, 2003. The paper's title means "The New Iraq," and is associated with Ayatollah Ali Husseini Al-Sistani, a leading Shi'a leader in the holy city of Najaf. (2) Al-'Adala, July 7, 2003. The paper is published by the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) headed by Ayatollah Muhammad Baqir Al-Hakim, a Shi'a senior cleric who has been generally cautious in his statements with regard to U.S. (3) Al Iraq Al-Jadid, July 7, 2003. (4) Al-Bayan, July 8, 2003. Al-Bayan is an organ of Hizb Al Da'wa Al-Islami, or The Islamic Missionary Party. (5) Baghdad, authored by Muhammad Ghazi Al-Akhras, July 9, 2003. Baghdad is published by Harakat Al-Wifaq Al-Watani, or National Reconciliation Movement. (6) Baghdad, authored by Abd Al-Hamid Al-Omari, July 9, 2003. (7) Al-Yawm Al-Aakher, July 10, 2003. Al-Yawm Al-Aakhar is an independent political daily published by the Al-Munnajed Publishing House. (8) Al-Yawm Al-Aakher, July 7, 2003. (9) Dar Al-Salam, July 10, 2003. Dar-Al-Salam means "The House of Peace," and is published by The Iraqi Islamic Party. (10) Al-'Adala, July 10, 2003. Al-'Adala is published by the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI). (11) Al-'Adala, July 10, 2003. (12) Al-Aswaq, July 10, 2003. Al-Aswaq means "The Markets," and is published by the Association of Iraqi Industries. (13) According to the London-based Saudi daily Al-Sharq Al-Awsat the newspaper Al-Sa'a, meaning "The Clock," has split into "two clocks." The first "clock" presented itself as a general political newspaper, an organ of the United National Front, whose editorial board is headed by Sheikh Ahmad Al-Qubaisi, a firebrand preacher in Qatar who recently returned to Iraq with a moderate and even conciliatory voice. The newspaper is published on Saturday and Wednesday. The second "clock" presents itself as an independent political newspaper speaking for all the Iraqis and issued by a group of journalists. The original Al-Sa'a ran into a problem with the occupation authorities after publishing in June a story about a gang rape by American soldiers of two Iraqi girls (Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, July 10, 2003). (14) Al-Sa'a , July 12, 2003. (15) Al-Shira', July 12, 2003. The Chief Editor of Al-Shira is D. Sattar Ghanem. (16) Al-Da'wa, July 12, 2003. Al-Dawa is an organ of the Islamic Missionary Party. (17) Al-Aswaq, July 7, 2003. Ihsan Abd Al-Razzaq Abd Al-Ghafour is the publisher. (18) Al-Sa'a, July 9, 2003. _______________________________________________ Sent via the discussion list of the Campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq. To unsubscribe, visit http://lists.casi.org.uk/mailman/listinfo/casi-discuss To contact the list manager, email email@example.com All postings are archived on CASI's website: http://www.casi.org.uk