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[casi] Pilger on the corruption of journalism..




http://pilger.carlton.com/print

Something deeply corrupt is consuming journalism. A
war so one-sided it was hardly a war was reported like
a Formula One race, as the teams sped to the chequered
flag in Baghdad, writes John Pilger : Pilger : 25 Apr
2003


On 8 April, newspapers around the world carried a
despatch from a Reuters correspondent, "embedded" with
the US army, about the murder of a ten-year-old Iraqi
boy. An American private had "unloaded machine-gun
fire and the boy . . . fell dead on a garbage-strewn
stretch of wasteland". The tone of the report was
highly sympathetic to the soldier, "a softly spoken
21-year-old" who, "although he has no regrets about
opening fire, it is clear he would rather it was not a
child he killed".

According to Reuters, children were "apparently" being
used as "fighters or more often as scouts and weapons
collectors. US officers and soldiers say that turns
them into legitimate targets." The child-killing
soldier was allowed uncritically to describe those
like his victim as "cowards". There was no suggestion
that the Americans were invading the victim's
homeland. Reuters then allowed the soldier's platoon
leader to defend the killer: "Does it haunt him?
Absolutely. It haunts me and I didn't even pull the
trigger. It blows my mind that they can put their
children in that kind of situation." Perhaps guessing
that readers might be feeling just a touch
uncomfortable at this stage, the Reuters correspondent
added his own reassuring words: "Before - like many
young soldiers - he [the soldier] says he was anxious
to get his first 'kill' in a war. Now, he seems more
mature."

I read in the Observer last Sunday that "Iraq was
worth ?20m to Reuters". This was the profit the
company would make from the war. Reuters was described
on the business pages as "a model company, its
illustrious brand and reputation second to none. As a
newsgathering organisation, it is lauded for its
accuracy and objectivity." The Observer article
lamented that the "world's hotspots" generated only
about 7 per cent of the model company's ?3.6bn revenue
last year. The other 93 per cent comes from "more than
400,000 computer terminals in financial institutions
around the world", churning out "financial
information" for a voracious, profiteering "market"
that has nothing to do with true journalism: indeed,
it is the antithesis of true journalism, because it
has nothing to do with true humanity. It is the system
that underwrote the illegal and unprovoked attack on a
stricken and mostly defenceless country whose
population is 42 per cent children, like the boy who
was killed by a soldier who, says the Reuters story,
"now seems more mature".

There is something deeply corrupt consuming this craft
of mine. It is not a recent phenomenon; look back on
the "coverage" of the First World War by journalists
who were subsequently knighted for their services to
the concealment of the truth of that great slaughter.

What makes the difference today is the technology that
produces an avalanche of repetitive information, which
in the United States has been the source of arguably
the most vociferous brainwashing in that country's
history.

A war that was hardly a war, that was so one-sided it
ought to be despatched with shame in the military
annals, was reported like a Formula One race, as we
watched the home teams speed to the chequered flag in
Baghdad's Firdos Square, where a statue of the
dictator created and sustained by "us" was pulled down
in a ceremony that was as close to fakery as you could
get. There was the CIA's man, an Iraqi fixer of the
American stooge Ahmad Chalabi, orchestrating that
joyous media moment of "liberation", attended by
"hundreds" - or was it "dozens"? - of cheering people,
with three American tanks neatly guarding the
entrances to the media stage. "Thanks, guys," said a
marine to the BBC's Middle East correspondent in
appreciation of the BBC's "coverage". His gratitude
was hardly surprising. As the media analyst David
Miller points out, a study of the reporting of the war
in five countries shows that the BBC allowed the least
anti-war dissent of them all. Its 2 per cent
dissenting views was lower even than the 7 per cent on
the American channel ABC.

The honourable exceptions are few and famous. Of
course, no one doubts that it is difficult for
journalists in the field. There is dust and deadlines
and danger, and a dependent relationship on an alien
military system. It is unfathomable which of these
constraints contributed to the Reuters travesty
described above. None, I suspect; for what it
represented was the essence of propaganda. The
protection of and apologising for "our" side is
voluntary; it comes, it seems, with mother's milk. The
"others" are simply not the same as "us".

Imagine the terror of a mother, cowering with her
children on the road as the "softly spoken
21-year-olds" decide whether to kill them, or kill the
old man failing to stop his car? The children are
clearly "scouts"; the old man is, well, who knows and
who cares? Now imagine that happening in a British
high street during an invasion of this country.
Absurd? That only happens in countries like Iraq,
which can be attacked at will and without a semblance
of legitimacy or morality: weak countries, of course,
and never countries with weapons of mass destruction;
the Americans knew Saddam Hussein was disarmed.

The corruption of journalism is most vivid back in the
commentary booth, far from the dust and death. "Yes,
too many died in the war," wrote Andrew Rawnsley in
the Observer. "Too many people always die in war. War
is nasty and brutish, but at least this conflict was
mercifully short. The death toll has been nothing like
as high as had been widely feared. Thousands have died
in the war, millions have died at the hands of
Saddam."

Mark his logic, for it is at the heart of what is
dispensed day after day, night after night. The clear
implication is that it is all right to have killed
thousands of people in the invasion of their homeland,
because "millions" died at the hands of their
dictator. The lazy language, the idle dismissal of
human life - each life part of so many other lives -
is striking. Saddam Hussein killed a great many
people, but "millions"? - the league of Stalin and
Hitler? David Edwards of MediaLens asked Amnesty
International about this. Amnesty produced a catalogue
of Saddam's killings that amounted mostly to hundreds
every year, not millions. It is an appalling record
that does not require the exaggeration of
state-inspired propaganda - propaganda whose aim, in
Rawnsley's case, is to protect Tony Blair from the
grave charges of which many people all over the world
believe he is guilty.

There is, for example, not a single mention by
Rawnsley of the hundreds of thousands of Iraqis who
died as a direct result of the 12-year, medieval siege
of Iraq conducted by America and backed by Britain -
and enthusiastically by Blair. Professor Joy Gordon in
Connecticut has spent three years studying this
embargo as a weapon of social destruction. A preview
of her voluminous, shocking work appeared in Harper's
Magazine. She describes "a legitimised act of mass
slaughter".

The protectors of Blair regard the entirely
predictable crushing of a third-world minnow by the
world's superpower as a "vindication". The great
Israeli journalist and internationalist Uri Avnery
wrote recently about this corruption of intellect and
morality. "Let's pose the question in the most
provocative manner," he wrote on 18 April. "What would
have happened if Adolf Hitler had triumphed in World
War Two? Would this have turned his war into a just
one? Let's assume that Hitler would have indicted his
enemies at the Nuremberg war crimes court: Churchill
for the terrible air raid on Dresden, Truman for
dropping the atom bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and
Stalin for murdering millions in the Gulag camps.
Would the historians have regarded this as a just war?
A war that ends with the victory of the aggressor is
worse than a war that ends with their defeat. It is
more destructive, both morally and physically."




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