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[casi] Kofi Annan Speech to the United nations on Iraq




[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]

Friends -

         One should not have to read Bush's speech without also having Kofi
Annan's speech available.  Here it is.

Fred Dettmer
THE SECRETARY-GENERAL
ADDRESS TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY
New York, 12 September 2002
Mr. President,
Distinguished Heads of State and Government,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen:
We cannot begin today without reflecting on yesterday''s anniversary –– on
the criminal challenge so brutally thrown in our faces on 11 September 2001.
The terrorist attacks of that day were not an isolated event. They were an
extreme example of a global scourge, which requires a broad, sustained and
global response.
Broad, because terrorism can be defeated only if all nations unite against
it.
Sustained, because the battle against terrorism will not be won easily, or
overnight. It requires patience and persistence.
And global, because terrorism is a widespread and complex phenomenon, with
many deep roots and exacerbating factors.
Mr. President, I believe that such a response can only succeed if we make
full use of multilateral institutions.
I stand before you today as a multilateralist –– by precedent, by principle,
by Charter and by duty.
I also believe that every government that is committed to the rule of law at
home, must be committed also to the rule of law abroad. All States have a
clear interest, as well as a clear responsibility, to uphold international
law and maintain international order.
Our founding fathers, the statesmen of 1945, had learnt that lesson from the
bitter experience of two world wars and a great depression.
They recognised that international security is not a zero-sum game. Peace,
security and freedom are not finite commodities –– like land, oil or gold ––
 which one State can acquire at another''s expense. On the contrary, the more
peace, security and freedom any one State has, the more its neighbours are
likely to have.
And they recognised that, by agreeing to exercise sovereignty together, they
could gain a hold over problems that would defeat any one of them acting
separately.
If those lessons were clear in 1945, should they not be much more so today,
in the age of globalisation?
On almost no item on our agenda does anyone seriously contend that each
nation, or any nation, can fend for itself. Even the most powerful countries
know that they need to work with others, in multilateral institutions, to
achieve their aims.
Only by multilateral action can we ensure that open markets offer benefits
and opportunities to all.
Only by multilateral action can we give people in the least developed
countries the chance to escape the ugly misery of poverty, ignorance and
disease.
Only by multilateral action can we protect ourselves from acid rain, or
global warming; from the spread of HIV/AIDS, the illicit trade in drugs, or
the odious traffic in human beings.
That applies even more to the prevention of terrorism. Individual States may
defend themselves, by striking back at terrorist groups and the countries
that harbour or support them. But only concerted vigilance and cooperation
among all States, with constant, systematic exchange of information, offers
any real hope of denying terrorists their opportunities.
On all these matters, for any one State –– large or small –– choosing to
follow or reject the multilateral path must not be a simple matter of
political convenience. It has consequences far beyond the immediate context.
When countries work together in multilateral institutions –– developing,
respecting, and when necessary enforcing international law –– they also
develop mutual trust, and more effective cooperation on other issues.
The more a country makes use of multilateral institutions –– thereby
respecting shared values, and accepting the obligations and restraints
inherent in those values –– the more others will trust and respect it, and
the stronger its chance to exercise true leadership.
And among multilateral institutions, this universal Organisation has a
special place.
Any State, if attacked, retains the inherent right of self-defence under
Article 51 of the Charter. But beyond that, when States decide to use force
to deal with broader threats to international peace and security, there is no
substitute for the unique legitimacy provided by the United Nations.
Member States attach fundamental importance to such legitimacy and to the
international rule of law. They have shown –– notably in the action to
liberate Kuwait, twelve years ago –– that they are willing to take actions
under the authority of the Security Council, which they would not be willing
to take without it.
The existence of an effective international security system depends on the
Council''s authority –– and therefore on the Council having the political
will to act, even in the most difficult cases, when agreement seems elusive
at the outset. The primary criterion for putting an issue on the Council''s
agenda should not be the receptiveness of the parties, but the existence of a
grave threat to world peace.
Mr. President,
Let me now turn to four current threats to world peace, where true leadership
and effective action are badly needed.
First, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Many of us have recently been
struggling to reconcile Israel''s legitimate security concerns with
Palestinian humanitarian needs.
But these limited objectives cannot be achieved in isolation from the wider
political context. We must return to the search for a just and comprehensive
solution, which alone can bring security and prosperity to both peoples, and
indeed to the whole region.
The ultimate shape of a Middle East peace settlement is well known. It was
defined long ago in Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, and its
Israeli-Palestinian components were spelt out even more clearly in Resolution
1397: land for peace; an end to terror and to occupation; two States, Israel
and Palestine, living side by side within secure and recognized borders.
Both parties accept this vision. But we can reach it only if we move rapidly
and in parallel on all fronts. The so-called ""sequential"" approach has
failed.
As we agreed at the Quartet meeting in Washington last May, an international
peace conference is needed without delay, to set out a roadmap of parallel
steps: steps to strengthen Israel''s security, steps to strengthen
Palestinian economic and political institutions, and steps to settle the
details of the final peace agreement. Meanwhile, humanitarian steps to
relieve Palestinian suffering must be intensified. The need is urgent.
Second, the leadership of Iraq continues to defy mandatory resolutions
adopted by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter.
I have engaged Iraq in an in-depth discussion on a range of issues, including
the need for arms inspectors to return, in accordance with the relevant
Security Council Resolutions.
Efforts to obtain Iraq''s compliance with the Council''s resolutions must
continue. I appeal to all who have influence with Iraq''s leaders to impress
on them the vital importance of accepting the weapons inspections. This is
the indispensable first step towards assuring the world that all Iraq's
weapons of mass destruction have indeed been eliminated, and –– let me
stress –– towards the suspension and eventual ending of the sanctions that
are causing so many hardships for the Iraqi people.
I urge Iraq to comply with its obligations –– for the sake of its own
people, and for the sake of world order. If Iraq''s defiance continues, the
Security Council must face its responsibilities.
Third, permit me to press all of you, as leaders of the international
community, to maintain your commitment to Afghanistan.
I know I speak for all in welcoming President Karzai to this Assembly, and
congratulating him on his escape from last week''s vicious assassination
attempt –– a graphic reminder of how hard it is to uproot the remnants of
terrorism in any country where it has taken root. It was the international
community''s shameful neglect of Afghanistan in the 1990s that allowed that
country to slide into chaos, providing a fertile breeding ground for
Al-Qaeda.
Today, Afghanistan urgently needs help in two areas. The government must be
helped to extend its authority throughout the country. Without this, all else
may fail. And donors must follow through on their commitments to help with
rehabilitation, reconstruction and development. Otherwise the Afghan people
will lose hope –– and desperation, we know, breeds violence.
Fourth, and finally, in South Asia the world has recently come closer than
for many years past to a direct conflict between two nuclear weapon capable
countries. The situation may now have calmed a little, but it remains
perilous. The underlying causes must be addressed. If a fresh crisis erupts,
the international community might have a role to play; though I gladly
acknowledge - indeed, strongly welcome - the efforts made by well-placed
Member States to help the two leaders find a solution.
Excellencies, let me conclude by reminding you of your pledge two years ago,
at the Millennium Summit, ""to make the United Nations a more effective
instrument"" in the service of the world''s peoples.
Today I ask all of you to honour that pledge.
Let us all recognise, from now on –– in each of our capitals, in every
nation, large and small –– that the global interest is our national
interest.
Thank you very much.

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