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[casi] FW: Year of the preemptive predicament




>From Rick Rozoff - Stop NATO.

http://www.dawn.com/2002/09/06/op.htm#3


Dawn (Pakistan)
September 6, 2002

Year of the preemptive predicament
By Mahir Ali


"I and the public know What all schoolchildren learn,
Those to whom evil is done Do evil in return."- W.H.
Auden

Reflections on the first anniversary of the toppling
of the Twin Towers will have reached saturation point
by next week, so it makes sense to get in on the act
early. Advance publicity suggests that the
commemorations scheduled in New York and Washington
next Wednesday will be sombre and sober. But there is
room for doubt: a tendency towards kitsch is ingrained
in the American psyche, and one way or another
tackiness creeps into all mainstream events.

The idea of George W. Bush spouting his customary
inanities to an audience of world leaders - who will,
most conveniently, be gathered in New York for the UN
General Assembly's annual session - is a less than
pleasant prospect. Had there been the remotest
possibility that Bush would offer anything
approximating a balanced perspective on the preceding
year, one may have been more inclined to lend him an
ear. Unfortunately, it may prove impossible to shut
him out.

Former New York mayor Rudolph Giuliani, meanwhile, is
expected to start reciting a list of September 11
casualties. The name of each of the nearly 3,000
people killed in the catastrophe will be read out
load. That is an unobjectionable way of remembering
the victims of a profound tragedy. But will anyone
ever give comparable prominence to the more that 5,000
Afghan civilians believed to have been killed in
retaliatory military strikes? Does anyone even know
their names? Does anyone care?

September 11 is often cited as the day the outside
world decided to pay America a visit. The murderous
manner of the intrusion was certainly uncalled for and
remains worthy of unequivocal condemnation. But let's
not lose sight of the fact that the US has been
visiting the world for more than a century, often with
deadly, albeit usually less spectacular, results.

Shock, horror, fear, mourning - these were perfectly
natural responses to the enormity of passenger-laden
jets ploughing into the most potent symbols of
American economic and military power. The frenzied
flag-waving that followed was also understandable,
although somewhat less excusable. But ought not these
gut reactions have given way in due course to greater
introspection? It is at least conceivable that a
better America - less insular, less arrogant, less
ignorant - could have arisen from the ashes of the
Twin Towers.

What we get instead is a debate about whether the
structure proposed to replace the hole in Manhattan's
heart will have an equivalent amount of commercial
space; in other words, will it be equally lucrative?

Even more alarmingly, what we get instead is a degree
of unilateralism rarely encountered since the Second
World War. The concept of pre-emptive military strikes
against suspected enemies would have been marginally
less offensive had its primary implication been: Let's
kill them before they kill us. But it isn't. It's more
like: Let's neutralize anyone who might hold a grudge
that could one day possibly lead to violence against
US properties or personnel.

There goes half the world. At least.

At the domestic level, the aftermath of September 11
has involved a progressive whittling away of civil
liberties. Racial profiling has become commonplace.
Tolerance of dissent has decreased markedly. And
academic freedom has taken at least a few body blows.
To cite but one example, the Washington Post reported
last month that the University of North Carolina
"finds itself besieged in federal court and across the
airwaves by Christian evangelists and other
conservatives" because it requires all first-year
students to read a text titled Approaching the Quran:
Early Revelations. The book was chosen in an attempt
to promote a better understanding of Islam, which
clearly makes sense in the circumstances. But one TV
commentator, describing Islam as "our enemy's
religion", said it was a bit like teaching Mein Kampf
in 1941.

Come to think of it, studying Mein Kampf in 1941
wouldn't have been such a bad idea; why should it be
presumed that attempting to understand the nature of
the beast would in any way have undermined the
struggle against Hitler? Islam, of course, falls in a
somewhat different category. It is hardly synonymous
with Osama the way Nazism was with the Teutonic
tyrant. And it would certainly be interesting to query
those Americans who are determined to reinforce their
ignorance on this score about how they perceive
American Muslims, including a substantial section of
the African-American community. are they to be
designated as "the enemy within"? Should they be
confined in internment camps?

This is precisely the sort of narrow-mindedness that
creates the impression of an America determined to
teach the world a lesson, but unwilling to learn any
lessons itself.

It's an infectious disorder, and its particularly
rampant among the upper echelons of the Bush
administration. There are few, if any, grounds for
hoping that the likes of John Ashcroft, Donald
Rumsfeld, Dick Cheney or Paul Wolfowitz will ever make
a recovery - and tens of thousands of people could die
as a consequence.

But not all Americans have succumbed to the disease.
And therein shines a ray of hope, for if the US is
ever to change, the momentum for that transformation
will have to be generated from within.

Take Walter Mosley, the writer and activist once cited
by Bill Clinton as his favourite novelist. "Most black
people in America were not surprised by 11 September,"
he noted in a recent interview. "Like everyone else,
they were shocked by the magnitude of it, and appalled
by the deaths, but they weren't surprised by the hate
and anger that produced it. Black Americans are very
aware of the attitude of America towards people who
are different, people whose beliefs are different,
people of a different colour. We live with that
attitude every single day. We know how hated America
is."

He went on: "Because of our history and our experience
right here in America, as well as in Africa, we have
an understanding of the rage and anger of America's
so-called enemies. Black people know that most Arabs
and Muslims are good people, that their beliefs are
just as valid as Christian beliefs, that they have
been at the receiving end of American so-called
foreign policy for years. As a people of colour, we
know how America treats other people of colour - with
suspicion or disdain...

"What I believe is that the only way to make sure that
sort of atrocity does not happen again is to make sure
we don't do it to anyone else...

"When people say, 'Surely you don't want this to
happen to America again?', my answer is, 'I don't want
it to happen to anyone again'. You cannot ignore rage.
It just does not go away. It only goes away when the
causes of that rage are addressed. You do not have to
look outside America to see how that is the case."

Mosley is not alone, but the prevailing political
atmosphere is designed to make them uncomfortable. As
another writer, Michael Steinberg, puts it: "For
critics of the war [against terror], a day at the
office is rather like being a homosexual in a
homophobic world - you search others for signs that
it's safe to come out to them.

"How did this happen? Most Americans have little
knowledge of the rest of the world, an ignorance the
media do little to dispel; and most would like to
believe that the war on terror is the best way to
ensure safety in the future. Many adhere to an almost
Manichean division of the world into good guys and
evildoers, a worldview which makes the most outrageous
of Bushisms seem plausible."

There will be no dearth of Bushisms next week. Don't
expect too many mentions of Osama bin Laden, though.
In fact, it'll be surprising if his name comes up at
all in pronouncements by the high and mighty, never
mind that his capture or decease was the primary
excuse for the bombardment of Afghanistan. His
whereabouts unknown, the reputed leader of Al Qaeda
(actually it's not even certain whether that is the
title of an organization or a generic code name; and
one of the more bizarre theories about the origins of
the nomenclature suggests it may be a nod to science
fiction writer Isaac Asimov's The Foundation) has
become an embarrassment to his enemies. He may, of
course, be dead, as General Musharraf keeps
suggesting. But Mullah Omar, another potential prize
catch, was last week reported to have been sighted in
the vicinity of Kandahar. The source for this riveting
piece of information was none other than our old
friend Reliable Diplomatic Source, who has rarely been
heard from since the fall of Najibullah.

Guantanamo Bay, too, is unlikely to figure in any
speeches. The US naval base in Cuba is a prison for
hundreds of captives, most of them probably Taliban
foot soldiers, who have been deprived of their rights
under the Geneva Convention.

There will certainly be no mention of the fact that if
the CIA and the FBI had been more cooperative and less
incompetent, it may well have been possible to unravel
the 9/11 conspiracy and detain Mohammed Atta and his
cohorts before they caught their flights on that
fateful day.

But, then, where would the Bush presidency be today
without 9/11? Still struggling to overcome the stigma
of its dubious legitimacy, and mired in corporate
sleaze. The Bush coterie's reputation for scandalous
business practices may be of greater immediate concern
to Iraqis than to Americans, because the next batch of
damaging revelations may be pre-empted by an assault
against Baghdad. In this context, the concept of
pre-emptive strikes almost begins to make sense,
notwithstanding its immorality.

mahirali@journalist.com


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