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News, 16-23/2/02 (2) RINKY-DINK NATIONS (1) EUROPE * Between Two Extremes [Joschka Fischer would like the USA to treat him with respect] * Patten assails 'unilateralist' U.S. [Another little bleat from a European collaborator begging to be treated with respect: "The lesson of Sept. 11 is that we need both American leadership and international cooperation ...²] * Simplistic Criticism of U.S. Overlooks Complex Realities [The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung argues that Europe will only be deserving of respect when it has increased its military budget sufficiently to be able to make a significant contribution to the fulfilment of US foreign policy objectives.] * German official predicts growing US-EU differences over Iraq policy [Germany pretends to have a mind of its own] * Germany urges int'l pressure on Iraq to let in UN inspectors [Germany gives up pretending that it has a mind of its own.] * Italy Sticks to Policy of Dialogue With Iraq [We¹re not going to have to start liking Silvio Berlusconi, are we?] * Patten seeks to calm rift with US [Europe, having uttered its little yelp of alarm, settles back into its customary Œgood dog¹ mode of existence.] * France's Constructive Critic [Thoughts of Hubert Védrine put in the best possible (to American eyes) light. Extracts.] * European Union alleges U.S. companies sent black-market cigarettes to Iraq [Most of this is about smuggling to Europe but the sting comes in the tale when it is suggested that the cigarettes were smuggled into Iraq through the good offices of the (recently renamed) Kurdistan Workers¹ Party] * France won't back U.S. attack on Iraq [Comparatively firm talk from the French ambassador to the US] URLs ONLY: http://www.faz.com/IN/INtemplates/eFAZ/docmain.asp?rub={B1311FCC-FBFB-11D2 B228-00105A9CAF88}&doc={D136C16D-3E3E-4CF6-933E-E41A2E18EA32} * SOONER RATHER THAN LATER by Leo Wieland Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 17th February [More worthless ruminations from Germany.] http://www.unison.ie/southern_star/stories.php3?ca=44&si=692439&issue_id=691 4 * ŒWAR FOR CIVILISATION¹ Southern Star, 18th February [The Southern Star, apparently based in Skibbereen in Co Cork is it the successor to the famous Skibbereen Eagle? denounces the evil of Al-Qaida and weak kneed liberals with impressive, straght-faced solemnity: ŒAll the actions in Afghanistan and possibly elsewhere, represent a Œfight for freedom¹ the likes of which the world has never before experienced and as our President said at the start, Ireland must Œstand shoulder to shoulder¹ with America, Britain and the civilised democracies in order to rid the planet of such a horrendous evil.¹ etc] http://dawn.com/fixed/subs/dinasub.htm * EUROPE FIRMLY OPPOSED TO ATTACKING IRAQ by Peter Finn Dawn (from Washington Post), 19th February, 06 Zilhaj 1422 [A round-up of opinions that have already been given elsewhere] http://www.iht.com/articles/48455.html * EUROPE DOESN'T WANT WAR IN IRAQ by Michael Naumann International Herald Tribune (from The New York Times), 19th February [More European handwringing and whingeing and inability to look evil in the face and stand up to it, this time from Œa former German minister of culture .... editor and publisher of the weekly Die Zeit¹. Who makes his timid criticism of US terrorism then mumbles that: ŒA truly enforced policy of serious sanctions against Iraq - and persuading Turkey to stop breaking them - would be more useful.¹] RINKY-DINK NATIONS (2) IRAQ¹S NEIGHBOURS * Kuwaiti minister denies a reported US attack against Iraq from Kuwait * Assad Warns US Against Attacking Iraq * Saudi, UAE oppose action against Iraq * Egypt urges rethink of sanctions against Iraq [No details given] * US to found a central leadership base in Bahrain [Strange to see the Arabic News turning to The Sun for inside information about goings on in Bahrain.] * Sudan opposes US strike on Iraq * Kuwait: we will not be the base to strike Iraq [Won¹t be the base ...] * The scenarios of striking Iraq [Will be the base ...] * Sudan urges Iraq to let U.N. inspectors return * Iraqi delegation holds talks in Turkey Ankara RINKY-DINK NATIONS (3) BRITAIN * Time to stop being America's lap-dog [An interesting article from Will Hutton, which suggests rather naively that there is a good Œliberal¹ America that has been swamped by a reactionary, ideologically motivated one. He concludes: ŒThe Tories broke over Europe. Labour will break over too-slavish fealty to this US.¹ But of course our basic problem is that there is no worthwhile opposition in British politics. In this respect the people who have usurped the honourable title of Tory (which once meant anti-imperialist, anti-free trade, rural, Church and State monarchist) are as bad as the people who have usurped the honourable title of Labour.] * Perhaps a Russian-British lobby against war on Iraq? [Hugo Young. A good first sentence but it quickly runs out of things to say]. * Bombing Baghdad: a failed option [Its taken a long time for someone to come up with this - a developed satire on the analogy between Al Qaida and the IRA - but its still good to see it finally in print. For example: ŒAmerica, on the other hand, provides a bewildering number of targets. Should the UK have bombed Washington, where the policies were formed? Or should it have concentrated on places where Irishmen are known to lurk, like New York, Boston and Philadelphia? The UK could have bombed any police station and fire station in most major urban centres, secure in the knowledge that we would be taking out significant numbers of IRA sympathisers. ¹ What makes this good satire, as opposed to the mindless obscenities of a Steve Bell, and the glutinous mass of eighth rate cartoonists he has spawned, is that what is said here about IRA sympathisers is EXACTLY what is being said everywhere at the present time about sympathisers with those who believe in the establishment of an Islamic state (as any serious Muslim must, just as most Irish people sympathise with the aims of the IRA, whatever attitude they may have to their methods.)] * We must stand by Bush [Here¹s a clever little piece of special pleading. Bush must put pressure on Sharon to be nice to the Palestinians. But he can¹t do it while the Israelis have reason to be scared of Iraq and Iran (ie while there¹s any suggestion that Muslims might have and be prepared to use any sort of substantial military capacity). Iran will cease to be a scary place when the democratic element replaces the clerical element (it being well known that the Muslim Œstreet¹ wants nothing better than to make peace with Israel). But that can¹t happen while Iran is scared of Iraq. Therefore ... And, as far as Britain is concerned: Œthe consequences of stepping aside now from action to change the regime in Iraq would be devastating to our international credibility. We would look like a beached whale, pretentious and overblown.¹ After all, we are Tonto to the US¹s Lone Ranger. Without the Lone Ranger, what would Tonto be?] RINKY-DINK NATIONS (1) EUROPE http://www.faz.com/IN/INtemplates/eFAZ/archive.asp?doc={14C3AAE4-F242-47D1 B489-F5F88A5A403D} * BETWEEN TWO EXTREMES by Eckart Lohse Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 15th February BERLIN. It was a delicate situation this time last year, when German Foreign Minister Joseph (Joschka) Fischer went to Washington to meet the newly appointed U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell. In Germany, the media were focused on Mr. Fischer's past as a militant leftist, and the German foreign minister was paying his first formal visit to the former general, who 10 years earlier led his country's forces in the Gulf War, a campaign that Mr. Fischer had opposed. The German minister's facial expression at an appearance with Mr. Powell showed that the memories were not pleasant ones. Only when Mr. Powell calmly dismissed the whole affair with "Amazing, isn't it?" did the atmosphere improve. It was clear he would get on well with his new U.S. counterpart. Mr. Fischer wanted to acknowledge this change publicly. So when talking about U.S. air raids on Iraq at the time, he said it was an "action by our ally" that he would not criticize. U.S. soldiers were at risk, he said, adding that Iraq was working on weapons of mass destruction. Among his party colleagues in Alliance 90/The Greens back home, there were rumblings about such deference to the U.S. government. But now, there is a growing impression that deference is finally at an end. On Tuesday, in an interview with a German daily, Mr. Fischer said that even though there were among allies differences in size and strength, an alliance between free democratic nations should not be reduced to blind allegiance, adding that "alliance partners were not satellites." Iraq is again the issue, although no shots have been fired yet. But between U.S. President George W. Bush's linking Iraq, Iran and North Korea as an "axis of evil" in January and the growing number of signs this week that Washington has not ruled out military action against Baghdad, anxiety in Berlin and other European capitals is on the rise. These are the two extremes between which the current government of the Social Democrats and the Greens swings. German membership in NATO and its commitment to the alliance, and therefore to the United States, are widely accepted as the foundation of German foreign policy. Even the Greens consider friendship with the United States vitally important despite "differences or disagreements." The same is certainly true for the Social Democrats, who never defined themselves as anti-American as the Greens did. Mr. Schröder and Mr. Fischer feel Germany's commitment to the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization so stable that they can criticize the Americans repeatedly. Mr. Fischer's short-lived and controversial suggestion that NATO give up its policy of allowing first use of nuclear weapons was one key example, as was the German government's decision, during the Clinton administration, to oppose the U.S. missile defense program -- a view then reversed when it became clear that the new Republican administration would whole-heartedly pursue development of the system. The revelation of Germany's powerlessness has also played an important role in the current government's relationship with the United States. One experienced hand in the German foreign policy establishment recently voiced concern that Washington would give little attention to warnings from European foreign ministers regarding unilateral U.S. action against Iraq. But it is too easily forgotten here that the United States sees itself in a state of war and is therefore even less prepared than usual to consult its partners. Optimists in Berlin find comfort in Mr. Powell's comments on Capitol Hill this week. While he had harsh words for Baghdad, he still noted a clear distinction between Iraq on the one hand and Iran and North Korea on the other. It was after all Mr. Bush's inclusion of Iran in his "axis of evil" that upset Berlin. Germany has been working hard to reduce tensions with Tehran. Less optimistic voices in Berlin, however, point out that Mr. Powell is usually the only member of the Bush administration who says the kinds of things Europe wants to hear. http://www.iht.com/articles/48287.html * PATTEN ASSAILS 'UNILATERALIST' U.S. International Herald Tribune (from Reuters), 16th February The European Union's external affairs chief, Chris Patten, warned the United States on Friday to curb its "unilateralist urge," as a war of words between Washington and Brussels over President George W. Bush's "axis of evil" comments intensified. .Highlighting growing trans-Atlantic divisions over how to pursue the campaign against terror that began after the Sept. 11 attacks, Patten said it was vital that America did not set off on its own. ."The stunning and unexpectedly rapid success of the military campaign in Afghanistan was a tribute to American capacity," Patten wrote in the Financial Times on Friday. "But," he added, "it has perhaps reinforced some dangerous instincts: that the projection of military power is the only basis of true security; that the U.S. can rely on no one but itself, and that allies may be useful as an optional extra." .Speculation has increased that U.S. military action against Iraq was imminent after Bush, in his State of the Union address last month, described Iraq, Iran and North Korea as an "axis of evil" nuturing extremist groups. .The U.S. secretary of state, Colin Powell, on Thursday repeated earlier assurances that there were no plans for early strikes against Baghdad, but neither did he rule them out. "The lesson of Sept. 11 is that we need both American leadership and international cooperation on an unprecedented scale," Patten wrote. "The unilateralist urge is not wicked. Simply that it is ultimately ineffective and self-defeating." http://www.faz.com/IN/INtemplates/eFAZ/archive.asp?doc={3D65008E-A4ED-4D70 B96C-FFBD910257A4}&width=1011&height=741&agt=explorer&ver=4&svr=4 * SIMPLISTIC CRITICISM OF U.S. OVERLOOKS COMPLEX REALITIES by Klaus-Dieter Frankenberger Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 15th February [.....] It was not without a certain astonishment that officials in Washington watched the European underachievers getting so worked up. Then they reminded Europe of the long list of its military shortcomings, accused it of overlooking repression in the case of Iran and of a strategic naïveté that virtually unmasked Europe's pretensions as a global actor. What enrages many Europeans, who are in fact not as united as they like to think, is perhaps not so much the U.S. approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict or Iraq as the realization of their own powerlessness on the questions that really count. Their reflexive indignation is directed at an America that has already licked its wounds and gotten back to business, and is now refusing to let anyone constrain it, least of all those who are unwilling or unable to act on their own. Conscious of its strength, the United States is pursuing a foreign policy that shows little of the humility that Mr. Bush promised during his election campaign. America has become vulnerable, but not timid, and there is certainly no rival to the superpower in sight. What it needs militarily and politically for the time being are emergency-relief assistants. Most, if not all, of its partners and allies are not capable of much else. Moreover, the Americans will have to maintain their own vision of what they want to accomplish as the memories of Sept. 11 fade and the number of their critics grows. As for Europe, indignation and sentimentality do not compensate for its unwillingness to commit sufficient resources. Clearly, Europe can only become a partner to reckon with in Washington when it injects a huge dose of vitality into its economy, and political demands are made in conjunction with larger defense budgets. Up to now, however, this therapy has rarely been applied. What the United States and Europe need is a framework in which they can achieve consensus about their different perspectives and jointly design common strategies. But where is there a political platform to discuss such questions as the real dangers stemming from Baghdad's regime? Those who are not indifferent to the transatlantic partnership will have to find the right answers. Strong words originating at least in part from simplistic anti-Americanism lead nowhere. On the other hand, if the Americans allow themselves to become and to be seen as arrogant, it will create opposition not just within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization but throughout the West and beyond. The new honeymoon is indeed over. http://www.irna.com/newshtm/eng/29141904.htm * GERMAN OFFICIAL PREDICTS GROWING US-EU DIFFERENCES OVER IRAQ POLICY Berlin, Feb 18, IRNA -- The coordinator for German-American relations at the German Foreign Ministry, Karsten Voigt, said he anticipates growing differences between the EU and the US over the handling of Iraq, DPA reported here Monday. "Once the US decides to attack Iraq, this could lead to differences with European partners," Voigt was quoted as saying on the German public television station ZDF. He called on Washington to present clear evidence linking the Iraqi regime to the September 11 terrorist attacks. Earlier, German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer warned against a planned US military attack on Iraq, saying Washington had shown no proof linking Osama bin Laden's alleged terrorist activities to the government of Saddam Hussein. "So far I haven't seen any evidence presented to me which links Osama bin Laden's terror activities with the regime in Iraq," Fischer said. http://www.irna.com/newshtm/eng/29160429.htm * GERMANY URGES INT'L PRESSURE ON IRAQ TO LET IN UN INSPECTORS Berlin, Feb 18, IRNA -- Germany here Monday called for international pressure on the Iraqi regime to allow the return of UN weapons inspectors. "The federal government is fully convinced that it would make sense to send back UN arms inspectors to Iraq," said government spokesman, Uwe-Karsten Heye, at a news conference at the Berlin-based Federal Press Conference House. "We anticipate continued pressure on Iraq with regards to this issue," Heye added. The spokesman also reiterated that 'there was no evidence linking Iraq to terrorist networks'. Heye refused to speculate on Germany's reaction in the event of a possible US attack on Iraq, saying, 'the federal government would not participate in theoretical debates'. He referred to earlier assurances by US President George W. Bush during Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder's recent visit to Washington to consult with European allies regarding a planned military strike in Iraq. http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2002-02/19/content_281040.htm * ITALY STICKS TO POLICY OF DIALOGUE WITH IRAQ ROME, February 18 (Xinhuanet) -- Italy is pushing ahead with its policy of seeking dialogue with Iraq, Italian Prime Minister and acting Foreign Minister Silvio Berlusconi said Monday. "We hope that there is room for dialogue" with Iraq and Italy will continue with this policy, Berlusconi said as he left a reception in Rome. Berlusconi's remarks came after United States President George W. Bush said in Japan Monday that he did not rule out any option in defending the U.S. and its allies. Bush's statement was seen as further proof of his administration's hardline against three countries -- Iran, Iraq and North Korea -- he recently described as an "axis of evil." There has been intense speculation recently that the Bush administration is planning to turn its anti-terrorist campaign against Iraq. Berlusconi's position appeared in line with that of France and Germany, whose foreign ministers both indicated opposition to an attack on Iraq. http://news.independent.co.uk/world/europe/story.jsp?story=134429 * PATTEN SEEKS TO CALM RIFT WITH US by Stephen Castle in Brussels Independent, 20th February Transatlantic rifts over Iraq could play into the hands of Saddam Hussein, a senior EU official warned yesterday, as a concerted effort was mounted to damp down a damaging dispute between Europe and the US. Chris Patten, European Commissioner for external affairs, told a gathering of parliamentarians from Nato countries it "would be fatal to allow Saddam Hussein, who is a genuinely evil political leader, to play off one group of countries against another." As the fallout over President Bush's description of Iraq, Iran and North Korea as an "axis of evil" continued to dominate EUUS relations, Mr Patten highlighted the importance of USbacked moves to increase the pressure on Baghdad over its chemical and biological weapons programme. Mr Patten said that the United Nations Security Council resolution 1382 which covers the issue should be used as a "basis for much smarter and more effective sanctions" in order to get the "inspectors back to Iraq to do their job properly." While that underscored Europeans' preference for sanctions, rather than military pressure on Iraq, it lowered the tone of recent exchanges. For their part US officials insisted that there is no suggestion of imminent armed intervention against Baghdad. Tensions between the EU and Washington have been evident since the Bush "axis of evil" speech which ended the show of solidarity forged by the US and Europe in the wake of 11 September. Mr Patten warned of "unilateralist overdrive" and the German foreign minister, Joschka Fischer also expressed their concern, while the French foreign minister, Hubert Vedrine, described Mr Bush's characterisation as "simplistic". That provoked a sharp rebuke from the US Secretary of State Colin Powell responded by accusing Mr Vedrine of "getting the vapours". Europeans were both alarmed by the speech's implication that Iraq might be a US military target, and concerned that it struck at the heart of the EU's "softer" foreign policy. Mr Patten last year visited Pyongyang and held talks with senior figures in the Iranian government as part of a policy of constructive engagement. Yesterday the Commissioner pointed out that the US administration has adopted a similar, more softlysoftly approach towards China. Divergences may also have been exacerbated by domestic political concerns, with elections due in France and Germany pushing rhetoric in one direction, and the onset of midterm Congressional elections in America later in the year pushing in the other. The change of tone began with Mr Vedrine who, on Monday, stressed that there was no FrancoAmerican rift and called for UN inspectors to be allowed back into Iraq. Javier Solana, the EU's high representative of foreign affairs, also tried to tone down the differences arguing: "The relationship between the United States and the EU is crucial and we should not play with that relationship, and the US should not play with it either." He told a seminar of the Centre for European Reform thinktank that the two sides had to "coordinate and to maintain a good tonality in public as much as possible." One diplomat said there was common agreement "that Iraq is a problem, it is a longstanding one and that we have to go about deciding how to deal with it." http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A49414-2002Feb21.html * FRANCE'S CONSTRUCTIVE CRITIC by David Ignatius Washington Post, 22nd February [.....] Vedrine made light of the put-down Powell fired his way last week when he said that the French foreign minister must have been "getting the vapors" when he made the "simplistic" remark. Vedrine knows that he was being insulted -- being compared to a nervous menopausal woman. But he laughed it off as "a virile exchange between friends." Vedrine has been studying Powell this week, in a characteristically French way -- by reading a translation of the secretary of state's autobiography. He speaks of the rise of this African American to become secretary of state as a classically American story of opportunity and success. Vedrine wants to reassure the United States, first of all, that there is no surge of anti American feeling in France or in Europe. Polls show that anti-Americanism is feeble in France, he says, registering among no more than 10 percent of the public. For that reason, he maintains, attacking the United States is no longer a good political tactic here. "There may be more anti-French feeling in the U.S. than anti-American feeling in France," Vedrine says. And I suspect he is right. The reflexive Gaullist mistrust of all things American is beginning to die out among the French political class. The Europeans know they will have to live for the foreseeable future in a world dominated by the United States. "That is more a threat to our ideas than our interests," Vedrine says. In a world where the most dynamic French companies -- TotalFinaElf, Airbus, Vivendi -- are making English their official language, it's hard to maintain the old Gaullist faith. The imbalance in military power between the United States and Europe doesn't seem to worry Vedrine much, either. The Europeans understand that American wealth has purchased a kind of military power the world has never seen before. France and Europe know they can't compete with it, and Vedrine says they don't intend to try. "There is no reason for the Europeans to match a country that can fight four wars at once," he says. Vedrine accepts that, given this imbalance of power, the United States will take more unilateral military actions. "When the Pentagon decided to wage war alone in Afghanistan, I understood," he says, noting that he said from the outset that NATO help wouldn't be needed. The foreign minister says he understands that America is a different country after Sept. 11. "The idea of America was invulnerability," he says. "The people who came to America left a world of insecurity." They wanted to come to a place where they would be safe, and now they are in danger. The Europeans understand that sense of shock and anguish and vulnerability, he says. [.....] The best way for Bush to advance America's broader anti-terrorism strategy, in Vedrine's view, would be to announce that he is going to make peace in the Middle East. "If he did that," says Vedrine, "everything would change." "Bush has the power to impose a peace settlement in the Middle East," if he will be tough with Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel, and not simply with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, Vedrine says. It is a unique opportunity, he maintains, if only the White House will seize it. My hunch is that the French, and most other Europeans, would in the end support a well drafted U.S. plan for toppling Hussein -- but only if it was backed by a solid international coalition that was rooted in real consultation. The Europeans' nightmare is that America will take actions that vitally affect their interests -- without bothering to consider their views. http://www.newsobserver.com/ncwire/news/Story/1100270p-1100196c.html * EUROPEAN UNION ALLEGES U.S. COMPANIES SENT BLACK-MARKET CIGARETTES TO IRAQ News & Observer, 22nd February NEW YORK (AP) -- The European Union has alleged that U.S. tobacco companies participated in smuggling cigarettes into Iraq in violation of international sanctions, according to documents filed in a federal court. The allegations, first reported by the Center for Public Integrity on its Web site Friday, were made as part of a lawsuit against tobacco giants Philip Morris and R.J. Reynolds and 11 related companies. The charges, filed Feb. 1, focus primarily on Reynolds and related businesses. The companies denied the allegations. A spokesman for R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company in Winston-Salem, N.C., said the company sold its international operations, and virtually all their legal liabilities, in 1999. "Reynolds Tobacco has not done and does not do business in the EU or any other international market," spokesman Seth Moskowitz said Friday. "To suggest that R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company has been involved in smuggling activities in the European Union or elsewhere is unsupportable and untrue." A Philip Morris attorney responded that the company would not dignify the EU's "absurd" and "irresponsible" allegations with a response, the Center for Public Integrity reported. A federal judge in Brooklyn dismissed the lawsuit earlier this week, citing a lack of jurisdiction, but the EU may file an amended complaint. The EU lawsuit's central claim was that cigarette makers intentionally oversupplied countries in eastern Europe and elsewhere. The surplus would then be smuggled into the 15 nation EU, the lawsuit alleged, resulting in billions of dollars in lost taxes over the years. When he dismissed the lawsuit, U.S District Judge Nicholas Garaufis said the EU could pursue money-laundering charges against the tobacco companies. In its Feb. 1 filing, the EU alleged R.J. Reynolds shipped millions of cases of cigarettes through Spain, Cyprus, Turkey and into Iraq since the early 1990s. EU attorneys claim that shipments into Iraq were linked to the Kurdistan Workers Party, a Kurdish rebel group fighting for autonomy from Turkey. http://www.washtimes.com/world/20020222-68190273.htm * FRANCE WON'T BACK U.S. ATTACK ON IRAQ by Steve Park The Washington Times, 22nd February [Comparatively firm talk from the French ambassador to the US] The French ambassador to the United States says Europe will not support any U.S. military action against Iraq without clear evidence that a military response is warranted. Top Stories "We would not pledge support. They (the United States) would be on their own," Ambassador Francois Bujon said at a Tuesday evening forum sponsored by Johns Hopkins University's Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies. Even Europe's most ardent supporter of the war against terrorism, British Prime Minister Tony Blair, would not support the United States if it were to attack Iraq in the near future, he said. Since President Bush named Iraq as part of an "axis of evil" along with Iran and North Korea during his State of the Union address late last month, there has been growing concern in Europe that the United States will invade Iraq. Several European leaders have shown distress about the term "axis of evil." German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder said he does not wish to engage in a "hypothetical debate" about whether the United States will attack Iraq. Mr. Bujon stressed that Europe will not simplify "complex and multidimensional problems" such as Iraq into a one-dimensional analysis. His remarks echoed comments earlier this month by French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine, who described Mr. Bush's "axis of evil" comment as "simplistic." Nevertheless, Iraq has made conciliatory remarks since Mr. Bush's speech. Last week, Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister Tariq Aziz told a German newspaper his country might accept "some form of [international] inspection" to monitor its weapons programs. Mr. Bujon credited the Bush administration for being "well focused on al Qaeda and Afghanistan," but said Iraq can be dealt with more effectively though diplomatic and economic approaches, rather than war. He stressed that it would be a mistake for the Bush administration to believe that European nations will support a U.S. invasion once it became clear the United States is committed. "Europeans are very afraid that the United States will pursue its national interest without heeding advice from its friends," Mr. Bujon said. If that turns out to be case, in the end, no one will pledge support, he added. Asked what conditions would have to be met before European nations could support U.S. military action against Iraq, Mr. Bujon said, "There may never be conditions for [Europe to support] attacking Iraq." Mr. Bush seeks to sustain the support of European nations in the war against terrorism, but there have been clear signals that the United States will fight terrorism alone if it has to. Last week, Secretary of State Colin L. Powell said the president "does not rule out the option of having to act alone if it becomes necessary." RINKY-DINK NATIONS (2) IRAQ¹S NEIGHBOURS http://www.arabicnews.com/ansub/Daily/Day/020216/2002021609.html * KUWAITI MINISTER DENIES A REPORTED US ATTACK AGAINST IRAQ FROM KUWAIT Arabic News, 16th February The Kuwaiti minister of defense Sheikh Jaber al-Mubarak has denied the reports stated by the British daily The Guardian on the readiness of 200,000 American troops to launch an attack from Kuwait at Iraq. In a statement to the Kuwaiti daily al-Rai la-Am issued on Friday, Sheikh al-Mubarak said that every body knows that the Americans do not fight by their land forces, nor troops, rather they use their air force. He added that what was published on that 200,000 soldiers will start from Kuwait are information disseminated "by the Iraqi intelligence in order to create confusion and to constitute a sort of pressure on Kuwait." On the existence of agents for the American intelligence training Shiite forces in Kuwait, al Mubarak said:" we do not have clients and Kuwait does not interfere in the internal affairs of any country and does not want any one to interfere in its affairs." http://www.voanews.com/article.cfm?objectID=0A651C26-1272-41D9 82D176E1A3D0AF54&Title=Assad%20Warns%20US%20Against%20Attacking%20Iraq * ASSAD WARNS US AGAINST ATTACKING IRAQ by Sabina Castelfranco Voice of America, 17th February Syrian President Bashar al-Assad has warned the United States against attacking Iraq. In an interview with an Italian daily, the Syrian leader said such an attack could seriously affect stability in the region. The Syrian leader's opposition to an attack on Iraq was spelled out in an interview published in the Milan daily Corriere della Sera. His comments were made two days before he pays an official visit to Italy, his first foreign trip since the September 11 attacks on New York and Washington. Any attack on Iraq, Mr. Assad said, would only attract more hatred for the United States. Washington has said it is considering various options against nations it believes could be developing weapons of mass destruction. The Syrian president warned Washington that an attack against Iraq would result in "a popular fury that would be more dangerous than the political reaction." Such an attack, he said, would represent "an attack on justice and human rights." The Syrian leader noted that European states had expressed alarm at U.S. threats of an attack on Iraq. He said that Arab countries have more faith in the European Union than the United States to act as a balanced broker and maintain stability in the Middle East. During his three day visit, which begins Tuesday, Mr. Assad, who is traveling with his wife, will be seeing Italian President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi. Italy is Syria's second-largest trading partner in Europe. http://www1.timesofindia.com/articleshow.asp?art_id=1249576 * SAUDI, UAE OPPOSE ACTION AGAINST IRAQ Times of India, 17th February DUBAI: Saudi Arabia, the United States' closest ally in the Middle east, and the United Arab Emirates have opposed any unilateral military action against Iraq as unjustified and said violence is not the means to resolve disputes. Saudi Arabia will not support "in any circumstance" an attack against Iraq as disputes and differences cannot be settled through violence, Interior Minister Prince Nayef bin Abdulaziz said in Mecca. Echoing Riyadh's sentiments, UAE Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Sheikh Hamdan bin Zayed Al Nahyan said there was "no justification to strike Iraq." Nahyan, at the same time, called on Baghdad to implement the international resolutions and release Kuwaiti prisoners, according to official news agency WAM. The two countries made their stand clear following an American statement that it would go it alone on Iraq as part of its anti-terror campaign if US allies refused to cooperate. http://www1.timesofindia.com/articleshow.asp?art_id=1332664 * EGYPT URGES RETHINK OF SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAQ Times of India (Reuters), 18th February AIRO: Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Maher said on Sunday it was time to reconsider UN sanctions against Iraq, a Middle East News Agency report said. "Now it is time to reassess the sanctions imposed on Iraq," the official Egyptian news agency quoted Maher as saying at a meeting with the Egyptian Businessmen's Association. Iraq also should abide by international resolutions and take measures to assure its neighbours that it would not repeat what took place in 1990, Maher added, referring to Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait. Maher repeated Egypt's rejection of any potential military strike against Iraq, saying Egypt and other Arab countries were holding contacts to make clear the danger of such a move, especially after Iraq expressed readiness to comply with UN resolutions. "We hope such a spirit will continue so that Iraq can avoid further suffering," he was quoted as saying. [....] http://www.arabicnews.com/ansub/Daily/Day/020219/2002021904.html * US TO FOUND A CENTRAL LEADERSHIP BASE IN BAHRAIN Arabic News, 19th February The British Tabloid "The Sun" issued on Monday said that the US is intending to found a central leadership base in Bahrain in order to supervise the land war to be carried out by some 200,000 US soldiers from Kuwait under the cover of intensive air bombardment operations against Iraq from Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Turkey as well as planes carriers in the Gulf. The paper indicated that the countdown has started to carry out the strikes against Iraq in May. The paper added that London announced support for the American targets in Iraq in order to topple the regime of the Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, but noted that there is no plan of a nearby attack. http://www1.timesofindia.com/articleshow.asp?art_id=1411124 * SUDAN OPPOSES US STRIKE ON IRAQ Times of India (from AFP), 19th February BAGHDAD: Sudanese Foreign Minister Mustafa Osman Ismail voiced his country's opposition Monday in Baghdad to any US strike on Iraq as part of Washington's "war on terror." "We refuse any strike on Iraq. If Iraq is hit today, Sudan will be tomorrow and other Arab countries the day after tomorrow," Ismail told reporters on arrival in the Iraqi capital. Ismail said he was carrying a message from Sudanese President Omar el-Beshir to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein "on bilateral relations and the current situation in the Arab world." US President George W. Bush charged in a January 29 State of the Union address that Iraq, Iran and North Korea formed an "axis of evil" and were seeking to acquire weapons of mass destruction, and accused Baghdad of continuing to "support terror." http://www.arabicnews.com/ansub/Daily/Day/020220/2002022017.html * KUWAIT: WE WILL NOT BE THE BASE TO STRIKE IRAQ Arabic News, 20th February Kuwait on Tuesday announced it will not be the base for the American forces to striking Iraq and stressed that what was stated of deploying 200,000 American troopers in Kuwait for this purpose is "just a rumor that aims at increasing sympathy with Iraq and defaming Kuwait." To this effect the Kuwaiti deputy premier and defense minister Sheikh Jaber al-Mubarak al Hamad in a statement to the Saudi daily al-Watan issued on Tuesday considered that the "Iraqi people are eligible to make the change in their country but we do not encourage that to be taken place through us or to take part in acts of this sort in any other country." Sheikh Jaber al-Mubarak said " we do hate this regime ( the Iraqi regime) and believe it is the reason behind the blight in our region as a whole. On what was stated by commentaries in western media that Kuwait will be the focal place for American and western forces to strike Iraq, the Kuwaiti minister said that the " effective weapon in the war against Iraq is the air force. But as for what has been rumored on deploying 200,000 American soldiers of Kuwait in preparations for the war against Iraq, they are mere rumors aiming just to raise sympathy for the Iraqi regime." http://www.arabicnews.com/ansub/Daily/Day/020220/2002022009.html * THE SCENARIOS OF STRIKING IRAQ Arabic News, 20th February The Kuwaiti paper al-Seyasah said in its Monday's issue, according to Gulf diplomatic sources that the scenarios of the American military strike of Iraq have become clear and agreed upon. [.....] The paper indicated that Saudi Arabia and Turkey will be alienated from taking part in this war directly because of their internal conditions, while Kuwait might play the role of Pakistan in the war in Afghanistan, Jordan to play the role of Tajakistan and Uzbekstan as a an American warehouse for the reserve troops and weapons in an attempt also to alienate the Israelis out of this game. http://europe.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/africa/02/20/sudan.iraq/index.html * SUDAN URGES IRAQ TO LET U.N. INSPECTORS RETURN CNN, 20th February BAGHDAD, Iraq: Sudan urged Iraqi President Saddam Hussein to let U.N. weapons inspectors back into his country to avert a possible U.S. attack, Arab diplomatic sources said Wednesday. Sudanese Foreign Minister Mustafa Osman Ismail met with Hussein to deliver a message from Sudan President Omar Al-Bashir, the Iraqi News Agency said, but it did not say what that message was. Other sources, however, described it. Ismail, who said Sudan would oppose any U.S. military action against Iraq, was in Baghdad for the opening of the new Sudanese Embassy. "Sudan's government and people are standing in the face of the ferocious aggression against Iraq and backing efforts aimed at lifting the embargo," the news agency quoted Ismail. [.....] http://www.arabicnews.com/ansub/Daily/Day/020220/2002022036.html * IRAQI DELEGATION HOLDS TALKS IN TURKEY ANKARA Arabic News, 20th February Head of the Iraqi delegation to hold talks in Turkey told INA correspondent in Ankara that the delegation's visit reflects the good ties between Iraq and Turkey. "Iraq is seeking to strengthen these ties to serve interests of the two Muslim peoples," he said, INA reported. RINKY-DINK NATIONS (3) BRITAIN http://observer.co.uk/comment/story/0,6903,651546,00.html * TIME TO STOP BEING AMERICA'S LAP-DOG by Will Hutton The Observer, 17th February The most important political story of our time is the rise of the American Right and the near collapse of American liberalism. This has transformed the political and cultural geography of the United States and now it is set to transform the political and cultural geography of the West. Britain's reflex reactions to an ally with whom we apparently share so much and which has served us well are going to be tested as never before. The signals are all around. It takes extraordinary circumstances to produce the kind of warnings voiced over the last week by Chris Patten, EU commissioner for external affairs and former chairman of the Conservative Party, but these circumstances are extraordinary. Patten has damned the emerging US reliance on its fantastic military superiority over all other nations to pursue what it wants as it wants as an 'absolutist and simplistic' approach to the rest of the world that is ultimately self-defeating. It is also intellectually and morally wrong. He is the first ranking British politician to state so boldly what has been a commonplace in France and Germany for weeks. The most obvious flashpoint is the weight of evidence that after Afghanistan George Bush intends a massive military intervention to topple Iraq's Saddam Hussein. Dangerous dictator he may be, but the unilateral decision to declare war upon another state without a casus belli other than suspicion will upset the fabric of law on which international relations rests, as well as destabilising the Middle East. American loyalists shrug their shoulders; Tony Blair is reported to have said privately that 'if we can get rid of Baghdad, we should', a devastatingly naive remark which so far stands uncorrected. This is the traditional British view that insists we stick close to the US. It remains the same good America that has been on the right side of the great conflicts of the last 100 years; worthwhile allies put up with the bad decisions as well as the good. But it's not the same good America. The postwar US that reconstructed Europe and led an international liberal economic and social order has disappeared completely. Its former leaders would no more volunteer the scale of defence spending now contemplated in the US - a 12 per cent, $48 billion increase on an already stunning military budget - while offering the less developed countries close to nothing in increased aid flows, debt relief and market access than fly to the Moon. Yet Bush has only agreed to attend next month's crucial UN conference in Monterey on global governance and Third World development strategies if it is understood that the question of money is not be raised. It is this essential stance, along with the tearing down of international weapons treaties and last week's feeble move on global warming that tells us how profoundly conservative the US has become. Unilateralism, as Patten argues, is not in itself ignoble - states pursue their self interests - but US unilateralism is uncompromisingly absolutist because it is ideological, which is what it makes so dangerous. American conservatism, following the teaching of the influential conservative American political philosopher Leo Strauss, unites patriotism, unilateralism, the celebration of inequality and the right of a moral élite to rule into a single unifying ideology. As Professor Shadia Drury describes in Leo Strauss and the American Right (St Martin's Press), Strauss's core idea that just states must be run by moral, religious, patriotic individuals and that income redistribution, multilateralism and any restraint on individual liberty are mortal enemies of the development of such just élites is the most influential of our times. Paul Wolfowitz, the deputy secretary of state for defence pushing for an early invasion of Iraq, is a Straussian. So is John Ashcroft, the attorney-general, who has legislated for military tribunals both to try and execute suspected terrorists beyond the rule of law. Straussians build up the military capacity of the nation while invoking the Bible and the flag. This is not prejudice; this is a coherent ideological position. The emergence of the largely reactionary south and west of the US as its new economic and political centres of gravity; the weakness of its rules on campaign finance which allow rich, usually conservative, candidates to buy elections; the inability of American liberals to fight back; the embrace of Straussian ideas, laced with traditional anti-tax, free-market nostrums - these ingredients make a deadly cocktail. They have transformed American politics, so that even an essentially progressive President like Clinton found himself behaving, as he acknowledged, like an Eisenhower Republican, while being the object of a co-ordinated conservative conspiracy in first the Whitewater investigations and later the Starr inquiry. The Supreme Court's suspension of the Florida recount in December 2000, to gift the presidency to Bush, is part of the same story. This destructive conservatism is contested fiercely, especially on the liberal, internationalist seaboards. Many good Americans are as bewildered by their current leaders and ideas as we are. But they are not in control. What the world has to deal with is not just the Bush administration, but the internal forces that put it there and will continue to constrain the US even without it. Iraq, the continuing defence build-up, disdain for international law and total uninterest in the 'soft' aspects of security - aid, trade, health, education and debt - are now givens in US policy. Before this challenge, Britain, in its own self-interest, has to play the same balance-of-power politics it used to do in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe. That means siding with the EU and no longer being US conservatism's lapdog. We cannot, for example, be part of the US national missile defence system if its purpose is to destroy the fabric of international law or join America's war against Iraq. Mr Blair should beware. Trying to be both pro-European and pro-American will no longer work. There is a choice and, if he does not make it, ultimately it will wreck his premiership. In an era of globalisation, it is international affairs that determine the fate of governments, because party Whips cannot contain the consequent passions. The Tories broke over Europe. Labour will break over too-slavish fealty to this US. This is the new political drama. Watch out. http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,652528,00.html * PERHAPS A RUSSIAN-BRITISH LOBBY AGAINST WAR ON IRAQ? by Hugo Young The Guardian, 19th February The word that describes Tony Blair's attitude towards George Bush is insouciant. He seems worried about almost nothing. The main thing is that he remains inside the loop. The two men talk often. They have most intimate and honest dealings, according to a senior Downing Street insider. These conversations underwrite the British claim never yet to have been taken by surprise, in any phase of the campaign against terrorism. They leave Mr Blair very sure of Britain's relations with the US, which have been marked by concerted action as well as words: a lot less crucial than Pakistan's but, as usual, more important than that of any other European. Mr Blair also accepts the shift that has smoothly taken place in Washington's analysis, carrying the anti-terror targeting far beyond al-Qaida and into the countries that are producing weapons of mass destruction, or WMD. From global networks to an axis of national evils, in one easy slide. Not all EU member states are so ready to agree with this, though none of them, apparently, has conveyed as much to the prime minister's office. He feels comfortable on all sides. The stories of transatlantic rifts, in his opinion, are exaggerated. The possibility that the most painful rift might cleave through his own person, as he becomes less a bridge than an illusion linking America to Europe, does not arise. Behind the scenes, in the ceaseless turmoil of diplomatic activity between London and Washington, things are a little more complicated. The unevenness of leverage is showing, starting in Afghanistan itself, where the British-led peacekeeping force is desperately short of manpower. Though Mr Blair was pleased that, after Christmas, the US offered more resources to rebuild Afghanistan than it had done before, peacekeeping work by soldiers is another matter. A senior British diplomat was sent to Washington last week to press Secretary Rumsfeld to provide an American element for this work, but got an adamantly dusty reply. There will be no US peacekeepers, he was told. There are also disagreements over Iran, which for the US is becoming a more immediate source of rage than Iraq. Iran's nuclear supplies from Russia, Iran's alleged arms deliveries to the Palestinians, Iran's double-talk about not assisting al-Qaida operatives on the run have all fired up indignation in Washington, which has not helped Britain's self-appointed role as cultivator of the moderate politicians against the extremist clerics inside the Iranian power elite. Jack Straw, the hapless exponent of that policy, does not carry much clout with any of the US leadership. The big challenge, however, is certainly Iraq, the main WMD state, where the escalation of American threats to act is meeting continued British wishful thinking that such action will not happen any time soon. Every relevant politician and official I've heard from in London says the same neat thing: that they will be shown a plan if an invasion is to happen, and have so far not been shown one. The closest they've got to it is the intelligence that several plans have been presented to the president, by the Pentagon and the CIA, and he has rejected all of them, mainly on the grounds that he doesn't yet believe there are indigenous forces on the Iraqi ground who can do the job the Northern Alliance did as US proxies in the takeover of Kabul. This is a highly relevant point. The stoking-up of the case for regime-change in Baghdad has begun to make it seem inevitable that an attack will be launched. The American press resounds with battle-plans. Colin Powell seems to have come off the fence. The momentum builds. And yet, without credible oppositionist forces in place, the strategy risks getting muddled and therefore very dangerous. For Bush, moreover, the stakes in Iraq will be much higher than they have been against al Qaida, where the uncaptured Osama bin Laden, once the apex of all targets, has been shuffled into pretended irrelevance somewhere in Pakistan. Any attack against Iraq that allows Saddam Hussein to be spirited into the mountains will be deemed a calamitous failure. If the attack succeeded, Bush might prepare for glorious coronation to a second term in 2004. But this time there has to be no ambiguity. If an invasion was seen to fail, whether by Saddam surviving or through the creation of an irresolvable mess in Iraq and the Middle East, the voters of America would destroy the president as soon as they had the chance. This is not a risk he will lightly take, even on the back of his unremitting oratory since Kabul fell. My reading of Mr Blair is that he fervently hopes that such hard-headed assessments of political survival prevail. Parts of London, maybe including himself, see an Iraqi invasion as a fearful distraction from the defeat of global terror networks, a task that requires, above all, intelligence collaboration from many Islamic states that would be far more opposed than Europe to an invasion plan. Meanwhile, Mr Blair does have options, improbable though it may be that he sees them this way. One is to edge towards making common cause with continental Europe, and especially with Vladimir Putin, the other great leader whom he once set out specially to cultivate. Putin is taken for granted by the Americans almost as condescendingly as are the British. Neither Britain nor Russia has yet got much out of the concessions they've made in support of Washington's post-September 11 demands. They benefit, of course, from the necessary dismantling of al-Qaida that the US has achieved. But so far they've been treated like reliable puppets, and Putin, for one, is showing signs that he has had enough. His delivery of a firm warning to Washington against attacking Iraq is something other Europeans may want to latch on to, though so far they have been relatively discreet. He's not obliged to tolerate forever the US bases he allowed into the Russian sphere of influence in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Assembling a united, pragmatic case against a violent, destabilising attempt to depose Saddam is work that the British and Russian leaders are well placed to do. If Mr Blair were to express even one-tenth of Chris Patten's anguished critique of Washington, he could have twice the influence. He disagrees. If he did that, he thinks, he would be dealt out of the game. So he will doubtless cling to the second option, which is to accept, without any abrupt attempt to shape it, whatever Washington decides on. The bottom line of British policy has invariably been drawn against the wall where British imagination is permanently imprisoned. Any deviation from that, conventional wisdom says, would create an earthquake in international relations. None the less, the Blair insouciance must surely be getting flakier. Though it may dictate the need for compliance in exchange for all those special one-to-one conversations, this looks like carrying a price. Instead of being Europe's voice in America and America's in Europe, Britain runs the risk some day soon of having a small voice, and smaller audience in either place. http://www.dawn.com/2002/02/19/int16.htm * BOMBING BAGHDAD: A FAILED OPTION by Terry Jones Dawn [from The Observer], 19th February LONDON: To prevent Terrorism by dropping bombs on Iraq is such an obvious idea that one cannot think why no one has thought of it before. It is so simple. If only the UK had done something similar in Northern Ireland, it would not be in the mess it is in today. The moment the IRA blew up the Horseguards' bandstand, the UK government should have declared its own War on Terrorism. It should have immediately demanded that the Irish government hand over Gerry Adams. If they refused to do so - or quibbled about needing proof of his guilt - we could have told them that this was no time for prevarication and that they must hand over not only Adams but all IRA terrorists in the Republic. If they tried to stall by claiming that it was hard to tell who were IRA terrorists and who were not, because they do not go around wearing identity badges, the UK would have been free to send in the bombers. It is well known that the best way of picking out terrorists is to fly 10,000 metres above the capital city of any state that harbours them and drop bombs - preferably cluster bombs. It is conceivable that the bombing of Dublin might have provoked some sort of protest, even if just from James Joyce fans, and there is at least some likelihood of increased anti-British sentiment in what remained of the city and thus a rise in the numbers of potential terrorists. But this, in itself, would have justified the tactic of bombing them in the first place. The UK would have nipped them in the bud, so to speak. Having bombed Dublin and, perhaps, a few IRA training bogs in Tipperary, The UK could not have afforded to be complacent. The UK would have had to turn its attention to those states, which had supported and funded the IRA terrorists through all these years. The main provider of funds was, of course, the USA, and this would have posed us with a bit of a problem. Where to bomb in America? After all, it is a big place and it's by no means certain that a small country like the UK could afford enough bombs to do the whole job. It is going to cost the US billions of dollars to bomb Iraq and a lot of that is empty countryside. America, on the other hand, provides a bewildering number of targets. Should the UK have bombed Washington, where the policies were formed? Or should it have concentrated on places where Irishmen are known to lurk, like New York, Boston and Philadelphia? The UK could have bombed any police station and fire station in most major urban centres, secure in the knowledge that we would be taking out significant numbers of IRA sympathisers. On St Patrick's Day, the UK could have bombed Fifth Avenue and scored a bull's-eye. In those US cities the UK could not afford to bomb, it could have rounded up US citizens with Irish names, put bags over their heads and flown them in chains to Guernsey or, maybe, Rockall, where we could have given them food packets marked `My Kind of Meal' and exposed them to the elements with a clear conscience. There are thousands of people in Sydney and Melbourne alone who have actively supported Irish republicanism by sending money and good wishes back to people in the Republic, many of whom are known to be IRA members and sympathisers. A well-placed bomb or two Down Under could have taken out the ringleaders and left the world a safer place. Of course, it goes without saying that we would also have had to bomb various parts of London such as Camden Town, Lewisham and bits of Hammersmith and the UK should certainly have had to obliterate, if not the whole of Liverpool, at least the Scotland Road area. http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,3604,654028,00.html * WE MUST STAND BY BUSH by David Owen The Guardian, 22nd February There is a logical sequence of events that needs to be understood for countering international terrorism. There will not be stability in the Middle East until the US puts considerable pressure on both sides for a permanent Palestinian-Israeli settlement. It will be difficult for the US to do since so many of its population fervently support the Israeli cause. No US administration of any political hue can put such pressure on Israel while the Israelis legitimately fear Iraqi missile attacks and Iranian destabilisation through sponsored terror and the transfer of weapons. But the Iranian people will not choose the moderate Khatami reforming wing and, in the process of their own self-choice, defeat the Khomeini clerical reactionary wing until they see the US enforce a regime change in Iraq. Now we face a very grave challenge to British diplomacy - the chief ally of the US in this war. When Secretary of State Colin Powell - acknowledged to be, if these words mean much, a moderate or dove in the Bush administration - can tell Congress, as he did a few days ago, about the need for a "regime change" in Iraq, which the US "might have to do alone", he thinks there is a real chance that Britain might on this occasion stand aside from any action. Britain has been with the US right from the moment when the Iraqi forces went into Kuwait in 1990; with them when we planned for and put troops on the ground in 1991; and with them all through some of the failed policies toward Iraq in enforcing the no-fly zone in the north, which protected the Kurds and also the Marsh Arabs in the south and which have risked the lives of our airmen together with those of the US. Tony Blair told the US after September 11 that we were first in and would be last out in its fight against international terrorism, and for Britain the consequences of stepping aside now from action to change the regime in Iraq would be devastating to our international credibility. We would look like a beached whale, pretentious and overblown. Unlike our differences over Vietnam, where opinion was deeply divided within the US, America is remarkably united on the need to do something about Saddam Hussein. The military risks are obvious, but the political gains are also clear cut. Americans are ready to take casualties in what they rightly believe is preventative action which, once done, will be widely supported by public opinion in all the countries in the Middle East. We cannot expect exposed governments to champion such an unpopular cause, but have no doubt that there will be the same rejoicing as there was in the streets of Kabul when the Taliban regime was overthrown. It is hard to exaggerate the consequences for the UK if we were to step out of our geo strategic alliance with the US and fail to participate in military action if the UN weapons inspectors are not granted the unfettered right to conduct searches throughout Iraq. The inspectors were put in by UN resolution after the complete defeat of the Iraqi forces, and it was specifically stated that inspectors would have the right to track down and remove suspect weapons of mass destruction, whether nuclear, biological or chemical. Iraq has used gas against its own people and against Iranian troops. Iraq has put biological weapons on its warheads, though fortunately they were not on the missiles Iraq fired against Tel Aviv during the Gulf war. I turn to Iran. I don't share the view that Iran's record in recent months has been wholly bad. There have been some welcome signs of cooperation in relation to Afghanistan. It did help in the Bonn conference, which established the concept of a coalition form of government. It did help in getting Ismail Khan, who was someone it had previously supported, into the frame of mind to accept the governorship of Herat province and not the other four Afghan provinces that he wanted. It did help persuade Burhanuddin Rabbani, the UN-accepted president, from coming back to Kabul with armed forces, when everybody knew that this would not provide a measure of consensus in Afghanistan. Though those are good signs, Iran still continues to destabilise the Middle East, to support Hizbullah, to conduct training camps, to supply arms (as we saw with the ship with weapons for Palestinians that was stopped by Israel). Those critics in Europe of President Bush's "axis of evil" speech would do well to remember that there are millions of people in Iraq, Iran and North Korea who will recognise that description just as there were many liberal-minded people only too delighted to hear President Reagan call Soviet communism an "evil empire". Lord Owen was Labour foreign secretary from 1977-79 and cofounded the SDP in 1981. -- ----------------------------------------------------------------------- This is a discussion list run by the Campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq For removal from list, email soc-casi-discuss-request@lists.cam.ac.uk CASI's website - www.casi.org.uk - includes an archive of all postings.