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At 21:11 29/07/2001 +0100, you wrote:
>Hi _ dont seem to have the furore causing letter - can u send, love f and
>thanks x
Here it is:
(BTW, Von Sponeck and Bishop Gumbleton were in Dublin at our invitation and
addressed a very successful public meeting.
Von Sponeck scribbled the his letter on a paper late at night while in a
B&B ! -- Sandeep)
SANCTIONS ON IRAQ
Sir, - Deaglán de Bréadún's report on sanctions in Iraq (July
16th), is on past form likely to prompt many letters from
readers justifiably concerned at the plight of the Iraqi
people.
Your correspondent's report will lead many erroneously to
blame the UK and US. Could I therefore anticipate this by
focusing on some facts about Iraq and the sanctions regime?
The sanctions are not about choking-off legitimate civilian
trade
or humanitarian assistance. We have consistently sought to
liberalise the sanctions regime to allow trade and aid to get
through to the Iraqi people.
But the Security Council has always maintained that we must
not compromise the strict controls in place on Iraq's weaponry.
The Oil for Food (OFF) programme was designed to allow the
Iraqi regime to export oil, through a UN-controlled account, to
fund the humanitarian programme. Since OFF began in
December, 1996, over $23.5 billion of contracts have been
approved, including $11 billion for food and $1.8 billion of
health contracts. But over $3.7 billion remains unspent in UN
accounts. At the same time, the Iraqi regime has cut health
sector spending by 52 per cent and education spending by 20
per cent.
The argument that the UN is causing the humanitarian situation
to deteriorate is false. If that were so, why are Kurdish
areas of
Iraq, which are self-governing, better off than those
controlled
by Baghdad? Why, on June 4th, did Iraq announce it could live
without OFF revenues? And why, if Saddam Hussein is
concerned about the deterioration of living conditions in Iraq,
did he spend more than $25 million on birthday celebrations for
himself, with 100 murals and 20 statues erected as a "gift
to the
Iraqi people".
The Iraqi regime is willing to trade the well-being of its
people
for black market revenues earned from charging illegal
surcharges on oil exported outside UN controls and illegally
smug ling oil. It is estimated that Iraq earns $3 million a day
from oil smuggled through the Iraq-Syria pipeline, amounting to
$400 million over six months, enough to meet the health needs
of the Iraqi people for the same period. Instead the funds go
straight into the regime's pocket.
There are no restrictions on legitimate trade with Iraq.
Deaglán de Bréadún is wrong to imply that the UK is at the
forefront of those restricting exports to Iraq or that
contracts
are "unreasonably blocked". The UK has approved 98 per cent
of all contracts submitted to it for approval. In May 2001, out
of the 1,696 contracts on hold, only 182 were at the UK's
request.
More than half of these had been held up because companies
submitted incomplete information about the contract. Others
were held back because of serious concerns that they would
contribute to Iraqi weapons of mass destruction programmes.
This Iraqi government, which blames others for the suffering of
the Iraqi people, is the same cynical regime responsible for
horrific human rights abuses including countless recent
examples
of torture and murder. Counted among these incidences are the
beheading in October 2000 of dozens of women accused of
prostitution, without trial, or the brutal torture of prisoners
accused of slandering the president, for which the
punishment is
the removal of the accused's tongue.
Further examples include the disappearance of hundreds of
political activists in the last year alone, or the gassing
of Iraqi
Kurds in the village of Halabja in 1988.
The humanitarian situation in Iraq is appalling, but the
guilt rests
not with UN nor the UK. It rests squarely with the government
of Iraq for failing to use its many resources for the
benefit of its
people. Instead it has sought to manipulate international
public
opinion by cynically parading the suffering which it has
caused.
- Yours, etc.,
Sir IVOR ROBERTS, British Ambassador, Merrion
Road, Dublin 4.
--
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