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Wolfowitz and Iraq

Paul Wolfowitz (1) is the new U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense, the second highest Pentagon 
position (2).  Below see a letter from the "Committee for Peace and Security in the Gulf," a group 
that in 1990 lobbied for the use of force against Iraq (3).  This letter advocates a "no-drive" 
zone and other regime change proposals.  Along with Wolfowitz, a long-time regime change advocate, 
notable signatories include:    

Robert C. McFarlane ( 
Martin Peretz (
Donald Rumsfeld (
Caspar Weinberger ( ;
David Wurmser ( ; ;

Please note that Peretz, McFarlane and Wolfowitz are on the Board of Advisors to the Washington 
Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP) (4), a "think-tank" strongly tied (5) to the American 
Israeli Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) (6).  WINEP's research director is Patrick Clawson (7), a 
long-time sanctions proponent (8).

2.  The Associated Press, "Wolfowitz Named No. 2 at Pentagon," 5 February 2001 
3.  "The organization, primarily Democrats, is headed by Rep. Stephen J. Solarz (D-N.Y.) and made 
up largely of longtime political supporters of Israel." (David Lauter, "White House Lobbies for 
Force Option," The Los Angeles Times, 11 December 1990).  
5.  "The advocates of a war policy also have been bolstered by analysts from the Washington 
Institute for Near East Policy, a think tank with close ties to the American Israel Public Affairs 
Committee, the capital's leading pro-Israel lobbying organization. Washington Institute experts on 
the region are frequently quoted in television, radio and newspaper stories about the gulf 
standoff, although their organization's pro-Israel orientation is seldom cited." (David Lauter, 
"War Lobby' Urges Military Solution," The Los Angeles Times, 14 September 1990).  See also and  
6.  For 9 May 2000 AIPAC Letter (calling for sanctions maintenance) to 
President Clinton, see
8.  See and


Publications of the Center for Security Policy
No. 98-D 33 (Attachment)

24 February 1998
Committee for Peace and Security in the Gulf
1615 L Street, N.W.
Suite 900
Washington, DC 20036
202 778 1488 Phone
202 466 6022 Fax 

Open Letter to the President 

19 February 1998 

Dear Mr. President, 

Many of us were involved in organizing the Committee for Peace and Security in the Gulf in 1990 to 
support President Bush's policy of expelling Saddam Hussein from Kuwait. Seven years later, Saddam 
Hussein is still in power in Baghdad. And despite his defeat in the Gulf War, continuing sanctions, 
and the determined effort of UN inspectors to fetter out and destroy his weapons of mass 
destruction, Saddam Hussein has been able to develop biological and chemical munitions. To 
underscore the threat posed by these deadly devices, the Secretaries of State and Defense have said 
that these weapons could be used against our own people. And you have said that this issue is about 
"the challenges of the 21st Century." 

Iraq's position is unacceptable. While Iraq is not unique in possessing these weapons, it is the 
only country which has used them -- not just against its enemies, but its own people as well. We 
must assume that Saddam is prepared to use them again. This poses a danger to our friends, our 
allies, and to our nation. 

It is clear that this danger cannot be eliminated as long as our objective is simply "containment," 
and the means of achieving it are limited to sanctions and exhortations. As the crisis of recent 
weeks has demonstrated, these static policies are bound to erode, opening the way to Saddam's 
eventual return to a position of power and influence in the region. Only a determined program to 
change the regime in Baghdad will bring the Iraqi crisis to a satisfactory conclusion. 

For years, the United States has tried to remove Saddam by encouraging coups and internal 
conspiracies. These attempts have all failed. Saddam is more wily, brutal and conspiratorial than 
any likely conspiracy the United States might mobilize against him. Saddam must be overpowered; he 
will not be brought down by a coup d'etat. But Saddam has an Achilles' heel: lacking popular 
support, he rules by terror. The same brutality which makes it unlikely that any coups or 
conspiracies can succeed, makes him hated by his own people and the rank and file of his military. 
Iraq today is ripe for a broad-based insurrection. We must exploit this opportunity. 

Saddam's long record of treaty violations, deception, and violence shows that diplomacy and arms 
control will not constrain him. In the absence of a broader strategy, even extensive air strikes 
would be ineffective in dealing with Saddam and eliminating the threat his regime poses. We believe 
that the problem is not only the specifics of Saddam's actions, but the continued existence of the 
regime itself. 

What is needed now is a comprehensive political and military strategy for bringing down Saddam and 
his regime. It will not be easy -- and the course of action we favor is not without its problems 
and perils. But we believe the vital national interests of our country require the United States 

Recognize a provisional government of Iraq based on the principles and leaders of the Iraqi 
National Congress (INC) that is representative of all the peoples of Iraq. 
Restore and enhance the safe haven in northern Iraq to allow the provisional government to extend 
its authority there and establish a zone in southern Iraq from which Saddam's ground forces would 
also be excluded. 

Lift sanctions in liberated areas. Sanctions are instruments of war against Saddam's regime, but 
they should be quickly lifted on those who have freed themselves from it. Also, the oil resources 
and products of the liberated areas should help fund the provisional government's insurrection and 
humanitarian relief for the people of liberated Iraq. 

Release frozen Iraqi assets -- which amount to $1.6 billion in the United States and Britain alone 
-- to the control of the provisional government to fund its insurrection. This could be done 
gradually and so long as the provisional government continues to promote a democratic Iraq. 

Facilitate broadcasts from U.S. transmitters immediately and establish a Radio Free Iraq. 
Help expand liberated areas of Iraq by assisting the provisional government's offensive against 
Saddam Hussein's regime logistically and through other means. 

Remove any vestiges of Saddam's claim to "legitimacy" by, among other things, bringing a war crimes 
indictment against the dictator and his lieutenants and challenging Saddam's credentials to fill 
the Iraqi seat at the United Nations. 

Launch a systematic air campaign against the pillars of his power -- the Republican Guard divisions 
which prop him up and the military infrastructure that sustains him. 

Position U.S. ground force equipment in the region so that, as a last resort, we have the capacity 
to protect and assist the anti-Saddam forces in the northern and southern parts of Iraq. 

Once you make it unambiguously clear that we are serious about eliminating the threat posed by 
Saddam, and are not just engaged in tactical bombing attacks unrelated to a larger strategy 
designed to topple the regime, we believe that such countries as Kuwait, Turkey and Saudi Arabia, 
whose cooperation would be important for the implementation of this strategy, will give us the 
political and logistical support to succeed. 

In the present climate in Washington, some may misunderstand and misinterpret strong American 
action against Iraq as having ulterior political motives. We believe, on the contrary, that strong 
American action against Saddam is overwhelmingly in the national interest, that it must be 
supported, and that it must succeed. Saddam must not become the beneficiary of an American domestic 
political controversy. 

We are confident that were you to launch an initiative along these line, the Congress and the 
country would see it as a timely and justifiable response to Iraq's continued intransigence. We 
urge you to provide the leadership necessary to save ourselves and the world from the scourge of 
Saddam and the weapons of mass destruction that he refuses to relinquish. 


Hon. Stephen Solarz
Former Member, Foreign Affairs Committee, U.S. House of Representatives 

Hon. Richard Perle
Resident Fellow, American Enterprise Institute; 
Former Assistant Secretary of Defense 

Hon. Elliot Abrams
President, Ethics & Public Policy Center;
Former Assistant Secretary of State 

Richard V. Allen
Former National Security Advisor 

Hon. Richard Armitage
President, Armitage Associates, L.C.;
Former Assistant Secretary of Defense 

Jeffrey T. Bergner
President, Bergner, Bockorny, Clough & Brain; 
Former Staff Director, Senate Foreign Relations Committee 

Hon. John Bolton
Senior Vice President, American Enterprise Institute;
Former Assistant Secretary of State 

Stephen Bryen
Former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense 

Hon. Richard Burt
Chairman, IEP Advisors, Inc.;
Former U.S. Ambassador to Germany;
Former Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs 

Hon. Frank Carlucci
Former Secretary of Defense 

Hon. Judge William Clark
Former National Security Advisor 

Paula J. Dobriansky
Vice President, Director of Washington Office, Council on Foreign Relations; 
Former Member, National Security Council 

Doug Feith
Managing Attorney, Feith & Zell P.C.;
Former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Negotiations Policy 

Frank Gaffney
Director, Center for Security Policy;
Former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Nuclear Forces 

Jeffrey Gedmin
Executive Director, New Atlantic Initiative; 
Research Fellow, American Enterprise Institute 

Hon. Fred C. Ikle
Former Undersecretary of Defense 

Robert Kagan
Senior Associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 

Zalmay M. Khalilzad
Director, Strategy and Doctrine, RAND Corporation 

Sven F. Kraemer
Former Director of Arms Control, National Security Council 

William Kristol
Editor, The Weekly Standard 

Michael Ledeen
Resident Scholar, American Enterprise Institute; 
Former Special Advisor to the Secretary of State 

Bernard Lewis
Professor Emeritus of Middle Eastern and Ottoman Studies, Princeton University 

R. Admiral Frederick L. Lewis
U.S. Navy, Retired 

Maj. Gen. Jarvis Lynch
U.S. Marine Corps, Retired 

Hon. Robert C. McFarlane
Former National Security Advisor 

Joshua Muravchik
Resident Scholar, American Enterprise Institute 

Robert A. Pastor
Former Special Assistant to President Carter for Inter-American Affairs 

Martin Peretz
Editor-in-Chief, The New Republic 

Roger Robinson
Former Senior Director of International Economic Affairs, National Security Council 

Peter Rodman
Director of National Security Programs, Nixon Center for Peace and Freedom; 
Former Director, Policy Planning Staff, U.S. Department of State 

Hon. Peter Rosenblatt
Former Ambassador to the Trust Territories of the Pacific 

Hon. Donald Rumsfeld
Former Secretary of Defense 

Gary Schmitt
Executive Director, Project for the New American Century;
Former Executive Director, President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board 

Max Singer
President, The Potomac Organization; 
Former President, The Hudson Institute 

Hon. Helmut Sonnenfeldt
Guest Scholar, The Brookings Institution; 
Former Counsellor, U.S. Department of State 

Hon. Caspar Weinberger
Former Secretary of Defense 

Leon Wienseltier
Literary Editor, The New Republic 

Hon. Paul Wolfowitz
Dean, Johns Hopkins SAIS;
Former Undersecretary of Defense 

David Wurmser
Director, Middle East Program, AEI; 
Research Fellow, American Enterprise Institute 

Dov S. Zakheim
Former Deputy Undersecretary of Defense 

Organization affiliations given for identification purposes only. Views reflected in the letter are 
endorsed by the individual, not the institution.

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