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Responding to Hain

Some of what you see below has already been posted, but is reproduced below to assist with 


>Our pilots do not fly day after day over Iraqi territory for >the hell of it. They do not take 
>action for the sake of it. >They are there to stop Saddam Hussein using his aircraft >against the 
>Kurds and the Shia - his own people, whom he has >attacked in the past.

*  For documentation of the Gulf War ceasefire terms that barred Iraqi fighters and bombers but 
permitted military helicopters (these gunships were instrumental in the Iraqi army successfully 
putting down the 1991 rebellion) see Graham-Brown, “Sanctioning Saddam,” pg. 18 and pg. 47 notes 6-8

*  To my knowledge, the Iraqi military or security forces have not for some time initiated an 
attack on a village or individual family with a fixed wing aircraft or helicopter.  Rather, they 
travel by truck or armored personnel carrier, fan out into a targeted area and/or implement tanks.

*  When NATO bombed Serbia and parts of Kosovo, some military analysts clearly stated that it was 
almost impossible to stop from substantial aerial heights on-the-ground actions carried out by 
groups not taveling in large columns.  The same principle applies to Iraq.

*  No UN Security Council resolution authorizes the "no-fly" zones


>Britain worked hard in the Security Council to secure the >adoption of Resolution 1284 last year, 
>which removes the >ceiling on the amount of oil Iraq is allowed to export.

* Why did Iraq have an oil revenue cap until 1284?

* After leading an evaluation mission to Iraq, Sadruddin Aga Khan, Executive Delegate of the 
Secretary-General included in his 15 July 1991 report the following estimates:

1) To restore Iraq's power, oil, water, sanitation, food, agriculture, and health sectors to 
pre-Gulf War levels will cost $22 billion

2) To restore full health services, 50% of pre-Gulf War electrical capacity and 40% of pre-Gulf War 
of water and sanitation services; to rehabilitate the agricultural sector; to perform limited 
repairs on the northern oil facilities; and to provide enough food for subsistence rations for the 
whole population will cost $6.9 billion for one year

3)  The initial oil sale ought to be $2.65 billion over four months (in the words of Sarah 
Graham-Brown--"a third of the total amount plus a small sum for start-up costs) to address 
immediate emergency needs" (Sarah Graham-Brown, "Sanctioning Saddam", (London: I.B. Tauris, 1999), 
pg. 74)

Because of the sure-to-come political opposition in the Security Council, the Aga Khan proposed 
sums lower than the actual repair needs.  

Resolution 706 (S/Res/706, 15 August 1991), the UNSC's first document that allowed Iraq to sell its 
oil since Resolution 661 (6 August 1990), authorized Iraq to not exceed $1.6 billion in oil sales 
over a six month period (para. 1).  Remove 30% for the Compensation Fund (in a 30 May 1991 the S-G 
recommended that the Compensation Fund figure not exceed 30% <> 
 On 15 August 1991, in UNSC Resolution 705, S/Res/705, para. 2, the UNSC approved the 30% sum)  and 
Iraq can sell $1.12 billion over six month.  Adjust this sum to the Aga Khan's four month time 
period, and the amount is $750 million dollars (for four months).  Without accounting for 
miscellaneous UN (including UNSCOM) expenses, this figure is $1.9 billion less than the Aga Khan's 
proposal to begin to meet the aforelisted needs. And if 706's $1.12 billion sum per six months is 
doubled for a year's worth of oil revenue, it is $4.66 billion short of the Aga Khan's recommended 

Before UNSC Resolution 712's 19 September 1991 passage, the UN Secretary-General "unsuccessfully 
argued that the six-monthly ceiling should be raised to $2.4 billion" (Graham-Brown, pg. 75) ($1.68 
after Compensation Fund deduction)  

The Aga Khan suggested that Iraq use its existing oil-related U.S. bank accounts, that payments 
would be made only for goods approved by the Sanctions Committee, and that account would be fully 
transparent to the Committee (Graham-Brown, pg. 74).

NDH:  It is worth noting that Iraq rejected Resolution 706 and 712 (the original "oil-for-food" 
resolutions) on grounds of sovereignty.  The Iraqi Government's rejecting might have far more 
justifiable if it rejected the resolutions because they fell so far short of the Aga Khan's 
estimates (themselves short of actual infrastructural need) and not because they infringed upon 
Iraq's sovereignty.  However, the Security-Council's oil cap is even more inexcusable.  If Iraq's 
oil revenue were to be subject to UN control from the outset, why should there ever have been a 
cap?  Given Iraq's health, nutritional, etc. and infrastructural needs, and UN monetary control as 
the primary revenue use control, there is no justification for oil caps.  Many UNSC members were 
publicly concerned that the Government of Iraq would use its oil revenue for nefarious purposes, 
but UN fund control would have eliminated cause for such concern.  Once control was addressed, 
quantity should not have been an issue or negotiation point, and yet despite the Aga Khan's 
assessment (see <> for excerpted 
findings) and the Martti Ahtisaari report (see 
<> for excerpted findings)

I also have a hard copy if you have specific follow-up questions.

The Aga Khan's Report is entitled "Report to the Secretary-General dated 15 July 1991 on 
humanitarian need in Iraq by a mission led by Sadruddin Aga Khan, Executive Delegate of the 
Secretary General," S/22799, 17 July 1991

For information on US/UK bombing please see:

From: Nathaniel Hurd <> 
Subject: U.S. and Sortie/Bombing Statistics 
Date: Thu, 6 Jul 2000 13:13:04 -0400 (EDT) 

For information on U.S. air activities in Iraq, please go to the Federation of American Scientists 
(FAS) Website's Iraq section:


An excerpt: "Although Operation Desert Fox ended in December 1998, as of 01 November 1999 the US 
and its allies have flown a total of 28,000 sorties, and expended over 1,800 bombs and missiles in 
strikes against 450 separate targets in Iraq."

For the FAS's updated information, further analysis, methodology, and sourcing, contact:

John Pike
Tel.: 202-675-1023 (this is his direct line at FAS)

FAS general tel.: 202-546-3300

Operation Northern Watch Homepage:


Operation Southern Watch Homepage:


United States European Command Homepage:


See also:

The UNOHCI Security Section’s report on airstrikes 

I also suggest that you consult Graham-Brown, Sarah, “Sanctioning Saddam: The Politics of 
Intervention in Iraq,” (London: I.B. Tauris, 1999)

The topic is indexed under “no-fly zones” on pg. 377. 

For documentation of the Gulf War ceasefire terms that barred Iraqi fighters and bombers but 
permitted military helicopters (these gunships were instrumental in the Iraqi army successfully 
putting down the 1991 rebellion) see Graham-Brown, “Sanctioning Saddam,” pg. 18 and pg. 47 notes 6-8

Source Note: If you do not own Graham-Brown, Sarah, “Sanctioning Saddam: The Politics of 
Intervention in Iraq,” (London: I.B. Tauris, 1999) and wish to read her sourced quotes from U.S. 
officials who discussed why the "no-fly zones" were actually set up (e.g., "According to a Pentagon 
spokesman, 'The purpose of establishing the no-fly zone -- and I would emphasis it's a no-fly zone, 
not a security zone -- is to ensure the safety of coalition aircraft monitoring compliance with 
United Nations Security Council Resolution 688'". (Graham-Brown, pg. 109.  Graham-Brown quotes 
Marine Lt.-Gen. Martin Brandtner, Director of Operation for the Join Staff, quoted in Washington 
Post, "Allies Declare 'No-Fly Zone' in Iraq, 27 August 1992) please contact me via E-mail at and or telephone (617-492-4570, USA) and I will fax the 
appropriate pages to you.

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