The following is an archived copy of a message sent to a Discussion List run by the Campaign Against Sanctions on Iraq.
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To All,
In late September, we were all
asked to write to Peter Hain, to protest about attacks and sanctions on
Iraq.
I had expected a flood of responses.
This does not seem to have happened.
However, some of you may like to see the
response I got from someone writing p.p. Peter Hain.
I didn't , of course, copy the published letter,
but wrote my own. I didn't keep a copy, and can summarise if anyone
wants it.
Lorna
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Copy of letter.
Foreign and Commonwealth
Office
London SW1A 2AH
22 October 1999
Mrs. L.K.Fraser
68 Lebanon Gardens
SW18 1RH
Dear Mrs Fraser,
Thankyou for your letter of 26th September to
Peter Hain about Iraq.
I have been asked to reply.
In you lettter you refer to "the endless
bombing", which I presume is a
reference to UK & USA activity in the
No Fly Zones over Iraq. These were
established after the Gulf War in response to a
situation of overwhelming
humanitarian necessity and in support of
Security Council Resolution 688,
which called on the Iraqi regime to stop its
persecution of the civilian population.
Coalition forces have been
patrolling the zones, as in the past, to prevent
Iraqi forces from attacking civilians from
the air. We do not think that there
can be any doubt that if we abandoned the
No Fly Zones, Iraqi repression
of civilians in these areas would greatly
increase. We are not prepared to
countenance that.
Since December, Iraqi forces have maintained a
sustained campaign to try
to shoot down our aircraft. There
have been violations by over 215 Iraqi
aircraft, and Iraqi forces on the ground
have shot at or otherwise threatened,
UK and US aircraft over 500
times. Our forces have responded in a
proportionate manner, in self-defence, as
is their right under international law.
The risk of civilian casualties is a major
consideration whenever we respond
in self defence. We do
not target civilian infrastructure, and all
defensive
action is strictly limited to responses
against Iraqi weapons and facilities
which pose a threat to our
forces. We make every effort to avoid civilian
casualties, and deeply regret any which
have occurred. But we take every
precaution to reduce that risk as much as
possible. On several occasions,
our aircraft have not responded to
threats, because they judged the risk of
such an accident to be too
high. I would also advise you to treat Iraqi
claims
of civilian casualties with the utmost
caution. Iraq has blamed coalition
forces for casualties on days when our
aircraft were not even flying, let alone
responing to threats.
I should also make it quite clear that our
objective is not the overthrow of the
Iraqi regime. While Iraq would
undoubtedly be better off without Saddam
Hussein, we firmly believe that it must be for
the Iraqi people to decide who
their leaders are. We have
consistendly supported the Iraqi Opposition since
the end of the Gulf War because we believe that it is important that people
hear
alternative Iraqi
voices, rather than only the propaganda put out by Saddam
Hussain's regime. The
opposition groups ( many of which happen to be
based in the UK ) help expose the
truth about life under Saddam and reminds
us that there are those who want a
different future for Iraq. Despite your
misgivings about the opposition, I would
argue that the recent efforts to
re-vitalise the Iraqi National Congress
reflects a real willingness on the part
of the varioius groups to work together . And I believe that
there is significan
support inside Iraq for some of the
groups, particularly the KDP and the PUK
who have de facto control large areas of
northern Iraq.
You referred, I think, to the recent UNICEF
report on infant and maternal
mortality rates in Iraq.
Without specific details, I am unable to address
your point about misquoting, but I find it
hard to believe that officials would
be deliberately misleading. We
welomed the news from UNICEF that mortality
rates in the northern governates had
decreased since 1991, but were
concerned to learn that rates had
reportedly risen elsewhere in Iraq. This
reinforces our belief that the Government
cares little for its people, and prefers
to extract political mileage from the
humanitarian programme, rather than
co-operating to maximise its
impact.
We remain committed to helping the Iraqi people
in the face of such disregard.
Our most recent initiative is a new
Security Council Resolution, which covers
weapons of mass destruction,
humanitarian and Kuwaiti issues. On the
humanitarian side, our resolution allows
for a range of generous measures
including removing the ceiling on the
amount of oil Iraq is allowed to
export under the "oil for food" programme
and paving the way for foreign
investment in Iraq's oil
infrastructure. If adopted, the resolution would result
in
a significant increase in the revenue
availaable for the provision of humanitarian
relief. It also allows for the
suspension of restrictions on all Iraqi exports if Iraq
maintains cooperation and addresses the
key remaining disarmament tasks.
Our resolution now has 9
co-sponsors, and two further promises of support.
We hope that the remaining Council members
will also move quickly to endorse
our approach, for the sake of all
concerned.
Yours Sincerely
Steven Russell
Middle East Department/
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