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Today's Topics:
1. Fwd: Dahr Jamail: Hollow election held on bloody day (full text) (CharlieChimp1@aol.com)
2. vote or go hungry (CharlieChimp1@aol.com)
3. Legal Reasons for Insisting on Elections In Iraq (Mark Parkinson)
4. media disinformation on voter turnout (CharlieChimp1@aol.com)
5. who voted, who didn't and why (CharlieChimp1@aol.com)
6. The Staged Elections of 2005 (CharlieChimp1@aol.com)
7. [Peace&Justice] Future of Iraq & U.S. Occupation (IRC Communications)
8. E.A.Khammas: stories from refugee camps part 2 (Dirk Adriaensens)
9. Leaked document confirm plans to restore Baath-style dictatorship in Iraq (The Iraq
Solidarity Campaign)
10. Iraq's 'Bloody Sunday'. (farbuthnot)
11. Re: FT article (Dirk Adriaensens)
12. Ghazwan from Baghdad: "The Election Was Shoved Down Our Throats" (Dirk Adriaensens)
--__--__--
Message: 1
From: CharlieChimp1@DELETETHISaol.com
Date: Sun, 30 Jan 2005 16:18:29 EST
Subject: Fwd: Dahr Jamail: Hollow election held on bloody day (full text)
To: newsclippings@casi.org.uk
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
In a message dated 30/01/05 19:51:17 GMT Standard Time,
webteam@electroniciraq.net writes:
News & Analysis
HOLLOW ELECTION HELD ON BLOODY DAY
Dahr Jamail, Inter Press Service, 30 January 2005
http://electroniciraq.net/news/1838.shtml
BAGHDAD, Jan 30 (IPS) - An overnight rocket attack on the
U.S. embassy in Baghdad that killed two Americans and
injured four others set the tone for the election Sunday.*
By the end of the day at least 29 people had been killed
in attacks on polling stations and voters.
An hour after polling stations opened at 7am, mortar
blasts began echoing across the capital city, at almost an
attack a minute at times.
Most Iraqis stayed home after resistance fighters
threatened to "wash the streets with blood."
A suicide bomber at a security checkpoint in Monsour
district of western Baghdad killed a policeman and wounded
two others. A man wearing a belt of explosives detonated
himself at a voters queue in Sadr City in Baghdad, killing
himself and at least four others.
Many Iraqis who had intended to vote stayed indoors as
gunfire echoed around the downtown area of Baghdad. Mortar
attacks on polling stations continued through the day.
"Yesterday a bicycle bomb killed someone near my house,"
said 32-year-old Ahmed Mohammed. "I never intended to vote
in this illegitimate election anyway, but if I had wanted
to I would never go out in these conditions."
With draconian security measures in place, even some
ambulances rushing to victims of bomb attacks were turned
back at security checkpoints.
"Baghdad looks like it's having a war, not elections,"
said Layla Abdul Rahman, a high school English teacher.
"Our streets are filled with tanks and soldiers and our
bridges are closed. All we are hearing is bombings all
around us, and for the last two nights there have been
many clashes that last a long time. We shouldn't have had
elections now because it's just not practical with this
horrible security."
The threats by the resistance fighters followed by a
string of attacks across Baghdad clearly reduced voter
turnout.
"How can we call this democracy when I am too afraid to
leave my home," said Baghdad resident Abdulla Hamid. "Of
course there will be low turnout here with all these
bombings."
A series of bombings have been reported also in Hilla,
Mosul, Kirkuk, Basra and Baquba. In Samarra where a
roadside bomb struck a U.S. patrol, there was no sign
either of voters or of the police on the streets,
according to reports from there.
"Nobody will vote in Samarra because of the security
situation," Taha Husain, head of Samarra's local governing
council told reporters.
Interim U.S.. appointed prime minister Ayad Allawi
announced Saturday that martial law will now be extended
for another month. The hope of many Iraqis that the
elections will bring security and stability continue to
fade.
Voter turnout in the Kurdish controlled north of Iraq and
the Shia dominated southern region has been heavy, but
most polling stations in the capital city and central Iraq
remained relatively empty.
Aside from security reasons, many Iraqis chose not to vote
because they question the legitimacy of these elections.
"They are wrong on principle, the High Commission for
Elections was appointed by Bremer (former U.S.
administrator L. Paul Bremer), so how can we have a
legitimate election under these circumstances," said Sabah
Rahwani in the Karrada district of Baghdad. "This election
only serves the interest of the occupier, not Iraqis. This
is only propaganda for Bush."
U.S. President George W. Bush announced in his weekly
radio address Saturday that "as democracy takes hold in
Iraq, America's mission there will continue." His
administration has also recently announced that U.S.
troops will remain in Iraq at least until 2006.
The parliament elected by the Sunday election will draft a
new constitution for the country. A referendum on that is
scheduled for Oct. 15, followed by another election Dec.
15.
Date: Sun, 30 Jan 2005 13:51:04 -0600
From: Electronic Iraq News <webteam@electroniciraq.net>
To: charliechimp1@aol.com
Reply-To: Electronic Iraq News <webteam@electroniciraq.net>
List: eIraq
Subject: Dahr Jamail: Hollow election held on bloody day (full text)
_______________________________
UPDATE FROM
ELECTRONIC IRAQ
http://electronicIraq.net
_______________________________
(Mailing List Information, including unsubscription instructions, is located at the end of this
message.)
News & Analysis
HOLLOW ELECTION HELD ON BLOODY DAY
Dahr Jamail, Inter Press Service, 30 January 2005
http://electroniciraq.net/news/1838.shtml
BAGHDAD, Jan 30 (IPS) - An overnight rocket attack on the
U.S. embassy in Baghdad that killed two Americans and
injured four others set the tone for the election Sunday.*
By the end of the day at least 29 people had been killed
in attacks on polling stations and voters.
An hour after polling stations opened at 7am, mortar
blasts began echoing across the capital city, at almost an
attack a minute at times.
Most Iraqis stayed home after resistance fighters
threatened to "wash the streets with blood."
A suicide bomber at a security checkpoint in Monsour
district of western Baghdad killed a policeman and wounded
two others. A man wearing a belt of explosives detonated
himself at a voters queue in Sadr City in Baghdad, killing
himself and at least four others.
Many Iraqis who had intended to vote stayed indoors as
gunfire echoed around the downtown area of Baghdad. Mortar
attacks on polling stations continued through the day.
"Yesterday a bicycle bomb killed someone near my house,"
said 32-year-old Ahmed Mohammed. "I never intended to vote
in this illegitimate election anyway, but if I had wanted
to I would never go out in these conditions."
With draconian security measures in place, even some
ambulances rushing to victims of bomb attacks were turned
back at security checkpoints.
"Baghdad looks like it's having a war, not elections,"
said Layla Abdul Rahman, a high school English teacher.
"Our streets are filled with tanks and soldiers and our
bridges are closed. All we are hearing is bombings all
around us, and for the last two nights there have been
many clashes that last a long time. We shouldn't have had
elections now because it's just not practical with this
horrible security."
The threats by the resistance fighters followed by a
string of attacks across Baghdad clearly reduced voter
turnout.
"How can we call this democracy when I am too afraid to
leave my home," said Baghdad resident Abdulla Hamid. "Of
course there will be low turnout here with all these
bombings."
A series of bombings have been reported also in Hilla,
Mosul, Kirkuk, Basra and Baquba. In Samarra where a
roadside bomb struck a U.S. patrol, there was no sign
either of voters or of the police on the streets,
according to reports from there.
"Nobody will vote in Samarra because of the security
situation," Taha Husain, head of Samarra's local governing
council told reporters.
Interim U.S.. appointed prime minister Ayad Allawi
announced Saturday that martial law will now be extended
for another month. The hope of many Iraqis that the
elections will bring security and stability continue to
fade.
Voter turnout in the Kurdish controlled north of Iraq and
the Shia dominated southern region has been heavy, but
most polling stations in the capital city and central Iraq
remained relatively empty.
Aside from security reasons, many Iraqis chose not to vote
because they question the legitimacy of these elections.
"They are wrong on principle, the High Commission for
Elections was appointed by Bremer (former U.S.
administrator L. Paul Bremer), so how can we have a
legitimate election under these circumstances," said Sabah
Rahwani in the Karrada district of Baghdad. "This election
only serves the interest of the occupier, not Iraqis. This
is only propaganda for Bush."
U.S. President George W. Bush announced in his weekly
radio address Saturday that "as democracy takes hold in
Iraq, America's mission there will continue." His
administration has also recently announced that U.S.
troops will remain in Iraq at least until 2006.
The parliament elected by the Sunday election will draft a
new constitution for the country. A referendum on that is
scheduled for Oct. 15, followed by another election Dec.
15.
RELATED LINKS
BY TOPIC: Iraqi Elections (30th January 2005)
http://electroniciraq.net/news/1808.shtml
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--__--__--
Message: 2
From: CharlieChimp1@DELETETHISaol.com
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2005 12:13:09 EST
Subject: vote or go hungry
To: newsclippings@casi.org.uk
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
In a message dated 31/01/05 17:06:35 GMT Standard Time,
dirk.adriaensens@skynet.be writes:
Dahr Jamail's Iraq Dispatches **
** _http://dahrjamailiraq.com_ (http://dahrjamailiraq.com/) **
January 31, 2005
Some Just Voted for Food
Inter Press Service
Dahr Jamail
*BAGHDAD, Jan 31 (IPS) - Voting in Baghdad was linked with receipt of
food rations, several voters said after the Sunday poll.*
Many Iraqis said Monday that their names were marked on a list provided
by the government agency that provides monthly food rations before they
were allowed to vote.
=E2=80=9DI went to the voting centre and gave my name and district where I=
lived
to a man,=E2=80=9D said Wassif Hamsa, a 32-year-old journalist who lives i=
n the
predominantly Shia area Janila in Baghdad. =E2=80=9DThis man then sent me =
to the
person who distributed my monthly food ration.=E2=80=9D
Mohammed Ra'ad, an engineering student who lives in the Baya'a district
of the capital city reported a similar experience.
Ra'ad, 23, said he saw the man who distributed monthly food rations in
his district at his polling station. =E2=80=9DThe food dealer, who I know
personally of course, took my name and those of my family who were
voting,=E2=80=9D he said. =E2=80=9DOnly then did I get my ballot and was a=
llowed to vote.=E2=80=9D
=E2=80=9DTwo of the food dealers I know told me personally that our food r=
ations
would be withheld if we did not vote,=E2=80=9D said Saeed Jodhet, a 21-yea=
r-old
engineering student who voted in the Hay al-Jihad district of Baghdad.
There has been no official indication that Iraqis who did not vote would
not receive their monthly food rations.
Many Iraqis had expressed fears before the election that their monthly
food rations would be cut if they did not vote. They said they had to
sign voter registration forms in order to pick up their food supplies.
Their experiences on the day of polling have underscored many of their
concerns about questionable methods used by the U.S.-backed Iraqi
interim government to increase voter turnout.
Just days before the election, 52 year-old Amin Hajar who owns an auto
garage in central Baghdad had said: =E2=80=9DI'll vote because I can't aff=
ord to
have my food ration cut...if that happened, me and my family would
starve to death.=E2=80=9D
Hajar told IPS that when he picked up his monthly food ration recently,
he was forced to sign a form stating that he had picked up his voter
registration. He had feared that the government would use this
information to track those who did not vote.
Calls to the Independent Electoral Commission for Iraq (IECI) and to the
Ministry of Trade, which is responsible for the distribution of the
monthly food ration, were not returned.
Other questions have arisen over methods to persuade people to vote.
U.S. troops tried to coax voters in Ramadi, capital city of the al-Anbar
province west of Baghdad to come out to vote, AP reported.
IECI officials have meanwhile 'downgraded' their earlier estimate of
voter turnout.
IECI spokesman Farid Ayar had declared a 72 percent turnout earlier, a
figure given also by the Bush Administration.
But at a press conference Ayar backtracked on his earlier figure, saying
the turnout would be nearer 60 percent of registered voters.
The earlier figure of 72 percent, he said, was =E2=80=9Donly guessing=E2=
=80=9D and =E2=80=9Djust
an estimate=E2=80=9D that had been based on =E2=80=9Dvery rough, word of m=
outh estimates
gathered informally from the field.=E2=80=9D He added that it will be some=
time
before the IECI can issue accurate figures on the turnout.
=E2=80=9DPercentages and numbers come only after counting and will be anno=
unced
when it's over,=E2=80=9D he said. =E2=80=9DIt is too soon to say that thos=
e were the
official numbers.=E2=80=9D
Where there was a large turnout, the motivation behind the voting and
the processes both appeared questionable. The Kurds up north were voting
for autonomy, if not independence. In the south and elsewhere Shias were
competing with Kurds for a bigger say in the 275-member national assembly.
In some places like Mosul the turnout was heavier than expected. But
many of the voters came from outside, and identity checks on voters
appeared lax. Others spoke of vote-buying bids.
The Bush Administration has lauded the success of the Iraq election, but
doubtful voting practices and claims about voter turnout are both mired
in controversy.
Election violence too was being seen differently across the political
spectrum.
More than 30 Iraqis, a U.S. soldier, and at least 10 British troops died
Sunday. Hundreds of Iraqis were also wounded in attacks across Baghdad,
in Baquba 50km northeast of the capital as well as in the northern
cities Mosul and Kirkuk.
The British troops were on board a C-130 transport plane that crashed
near Balad city just northwest of Baghdad. The British military has yet
to reveal the cause of the crash.
Despite unprecedented security measures in which 300,000 U.S. and Iraqi
security forces were brought in to curb the violence, nine suicide
bombers and frequent mortar attacks took a heavy toll in the capital
city, while strings of attacks were reported around the rest of the countr=
y.
As U..S. President George W. Bush saw it, =E2=80=9Dsome Iraqis were killed=
while
exercising their rights as citizens.=E2=80=9D
To: <anti-allawi-group@yahoogroups.com>, <iac-discussion@lists.riseup.net>,
<casi-analysis@lists.casi.org.uk>
References: <20050131112421.ED1C4CF908@lmcodec04.st1.spray.net>
From: "Dirk Adriaensens" <dirk.adriaensens@skynet.be>
Mailing-List: list anti-allawi-group@yahoogroups.com; contact anti-allawi-g=
roup-owner@yahoogroups.com
Delivered-To: mailing list anti-allawi-group@yahoogroups.com
Precedence: bulk
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2005 17:56:35 +0100
Subject: [anti-allawi-group] Re: FT article
Reply-To: anti-allawi-group@yahoogroups.com
X-Plaintext: Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
** Dahr Jamail's Iraq Dispatches **
** http://dahrjamailiraq.com **
January 31, 2005
Some Just Voted for Food
Inter Press Service
Dahr Jamail
*BAGHDAD, Jan 31 (IPS) - Voting in Baghdad was linked with receipt of
food rations, several voters said after the Sunday poll.*
Many Iraqis said Monday that their names were marked on a list provided
by the government agency that provides monthly food rations before they
were allowed to vote.
"I went to the voting centre and gave my name and district where I lived
to a man," said Wassif Hamsa, a 32-year-old journalist who lives in the
predominantly Shia area Janila in Baghdad. "This man then sent me to the
person who distributed my monthly food ration."
Mohammed Ra'ad, an engineering student who lives in the Baya'a district
of the capital city reported a similar experience.
Ra'ad, 23, said he saw the man who distributed monthly food rations in
his district at his polling station. "The food dealer, who I know
personally of course, took my name and those of my family who were
voting," he said. "Only then did I get my ballot and was allowed to vote."
"Two of the food dealers I know told me personally that our food rations
would be withheld if we did not vote," said Saeed Jodhet, a 21-year-old
engineering student who voted in the Hay al-Jihad district of Baghdad.
There has been no official indication that Iraqis who did not vote would
not receive their monthly food rations.
Many Iraqis had expressed fears before the election that their monthly
food rations would be cut if they did not vote. They said they had to
sign voter registration forms in order to pick up their food supplies.
Their experiences on the day of polling have underscored many of their
concerns about questionable methods used by the U.S.-backed Iraqi
interim government to increase voter turnout.
Just days before the election, 52 year-old Amin Hajar who owns an auto
garage in central Baghdad had said: "I'll vote because I can't afford to
have my food ration cut...if that happened, me and my family would
starve to death."
Hajar told IPS that when he picked up his monthly food ration recently,
he was forced to sign a form stating that he had picked up his voter
registration. He had feared that the government would use this
information to track those who did not vote.
Calls to the Independent Electoral Commission for Iraq (IECI) and to the
Ministry of Trade, which is responsible for the distribution of the
monthly food ration, were not returned.
Other questions have arisen over methods to persuade people to vote.
U.S. troops tried to coax voters in Ramadi, capital city of the al-Anbar
province west of Baghdad to come out to vote, AP reported.
IECI officials have meanwhile 'downgraded' their earlier estimate of
voter turnout.
IECI spokesman Farid Ayar had declared a 72 percent turnout earlier, a
figure given also by the Bush Administration.
But at a press conference Ayar backtracked on his earlier figure, saying
the turnout would be nearer 60 percent of registered voters.
The earlier figure of 72 percent, he said, was "only guessing" and "just
an estimate" that had been based on "very rough, word of mouth estimates
gathered informally from the field." He added that it will be some time
before the IECI can issue accurate figures on the turnout.
"Percentages and numbers come only after counting and will be announced
when it's over," he said. "It is too soon to say that those were the
official numbers."
Where there was a large turnout, the motivation behind the voting and
the processes both appeared questionable. The Kurds up north were voting
for autonomy, if not independence. In the south and elsewhere Shias were
competing with Kurds for a bigger say in the 275-member national assembly.
In some places like Mosul the turnout was heavier than expected. But
many of the voters came from outside, and identity checks on voters
appeared lax. Others spoke of vote-buying bids.
The Bush Administration has lauded the success of the Iraq election, but
doubtful voting practices and claims about voter turnout are both mired
in controversy.
Election violence too was being seen differently across the political
spectrum.
More than 30 Iraqis, a U.S. soldier, and at least 10 British troops died
Sunday. Hundreds of Iraqis were also wounded in attacks across Baghdad,
in Baquba 50km northeast of the capital as well as in the northern
cities Mosul and Kirkuk.
The British troops were on board a C-130 transport plane that crashed
near Balad city just northwest of Baghdad. The British military has yet
to reveal the cause of the crash.
Despite unprecedented security measures in which 300,000 U.S. and Iraqi
security forces were brought in to curb the violence, nine suicide
bombers and frequent mortar attacks took a heavy toll in the capital
city, while strings of attacks were reported around the rest of the country=
.
As U..S. President George W. Bush saw it, "some Iraqis were killed while
exercising their rights as citizens."
_______________________________________________
More writing, photos and commentary at http://dahrjamailiraq.com
--__--__--
Message: 3
From: "Mark Parkinson" <mark44@DELETETHISmyrealbox.com>
To: newsclippings@casi.org.uk
Date: Sun, 01 May 2005 19:08:41 +0100
Subject: Legal Reasons for Insisting on Elections In Iraq
By: Dr. Abdul-Haq Al-Ani on: 31.01.2005
Barrister-at-law
Many people have been asking why the occupying powers in Iraq are
insisting on holding the election at the set date set of 31st
January, despite the fact that all the indications call for a delay.
International figures such as President Putin, President Chirac and
Kofi Annan have expressed their doubts about the credibility or
possibility of holding such elections now. Many of the explanations I
have read, seem to centre on political issues, but these seem
insufficient to justify such insistence on holding elections now,
when there are numerous criteria demanding their postponement.
Reasons such as the complete lack of security; the ignorance of the
Iraqi electorate with election procedure or even with who they are
asked to elect; the unreasonableness of having all of Iraq as one
electoral district; the unavailability of the names of candidates;
the illegality of the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL) which
sets out the elections; the illegality of giving a minority a veto
over any majority; the demand that any party taking part asserts its
acceptance of the TAL which could not be amended or repealed, and
many other breaches of basic principles of law.
It is obvious to any reader, even one lacking knowledge of the
principles of law, that the TAL was written by politicians setting
out to transform Iraq's economic and political order from that of
socialist state to capitalist state. The TAL, clearly written by
Bremer=92s advisors and translated into Arabic (as is obvious to any
Arab speaking reader), is intended to be the backbone of the new
constitution for Iraq. No future government may repeal or legislate
against its principles. Article 1 states that =93The Preamble to this
Law is an integral part of this Law.=94 Yet the preamble starts with
the following sentence:
=93The people of Iraq, striving to reclaim their freedom, which was
usurped by the previous tyrannical regime, rejecting violence and
coercion in all their forms, and particularly when used as
instruments of governance, have determined that they shall hereafter
remain a free people governed under the rule of law.=94
This must be the only constitution in the world, which starts with a
political condemnation of its predecessor. It reveals the real
political, rather than the legal nature of the document. But more
importantly it reveals the total disregard of the principles of
International Law by the US and the UK.
The call for a delay in holding the election acquires a special
importance when this election is meant to be, as claimed by the
occupiers, the first free and honest election in the history of Iraq.
It would be more logical in view of that claim to prepare adequately
for such an election. But more importantly it should be held when the
majority of the people in Iraq believe it to be free and honest. It
is not sufficient for justice simply to be exercised; it must also be
seen to be exercised.
It is widely accepted in the Middle East, that imperialism today has
the means to act unilaterally as it pleases without the need for
permission from any international body. If imperialism feels a need
for such permission it will be able to summon the Security Council to
intimidate one party; threaten another, and entice a third to adopt
the resolution it is seeking. However, when it feels incapable of
getting such a resolution, it declares that it may act without such
permission because it feels its national security is at risk! That is
precisely what happened in the invasion of Iraq.
Imperialism, nevertheless, is aware of the dynamic nature of history
and that what is possible today may not be so tomorrow. Accordingly,
it endeavours to keep its actions justifiable within the ambit of
international law whenever that is possible. This has become a more
demanding requirement since the set up of the International Criminal
Court and the ratification of the Statute of Rome by many countries.
The US, the UK and their allies are aware of the fact that any crime
of genocide, war crime or crime against humanity committed by any of
their agents that may not come before the ICC today, may still be
investigated any time in the future when the international order
becomes more just and calls for justice. The cases of the attempt to
indict Pinochet and the indictment of Adolfo Scilingo are just two
examples of that eventuality.
In pursuance of this both the US and UK Governments have, since
occupying Iraq contrary to International Law, attempted to rely on
law through creating facts and forcing the world to deal with them -
the very same strategy followed by the State of Israel over the last
fifty years. On 8th May 2003, one week after the declared cessation
of hostilities, both Governments submitted a letter to the Security
Council. The letter was cleverly drafted. It did not call for the
Council to pass a resolution on the war or the occupation of Iraq,
but referred to disarming Iraq by the occupying armies and the
setting up of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA). What did the
Security Council do, or indeed, what ought the Council to have done?
To answer this, one needs to go back to the principles of
International Law and the law of war. The Charter of the United
Nations, adopted post WWII, makes it illegal for any country to take
military action against another country except in self-defence, but
more importantly that right to self-defence ceases when the Security
Council is seized of the matter. As the Security Council has stated
in every resolution on Iraq since 1990 to be seized of the matter,
then the right of self-defence in an action by any state does not
arise. Consequently the proper procedure for the Security Council
ought to have been the adoption of a resolution declaring the
invasion of Iraq to be an illegal act and ordering the withdrawal of
all occupying forces with full reparation. However, in the world of
today where the US imperialism roams as it pleases, one would be very
na=EFve to expect such a resolution to be adopted even if good will
existed among other members. Nevertheless, despite accepting that the
Security Council has become a rubber stamp for most US demands, it
need not breach International Law so blatantly. There is a difference
between overlooking US acts and passing resolutions that amount,
explicitly or implicitly, to supporting these acts.
It is important to point out here that, despite its authority, the
Security Council is bound by the Charter that created it and by the
peremptive rules of International Law. The Security Council, for
example, cannot impose genocide or allow slavery. In short the
Security Council is only able to act within the law that created it.
It is not entitled to breach the Charter of the UN, which created it.
If it were allowed to do so, this would be acting contrary to the
most fundamentals principles of law. It follows that the Security
Council, contrary to the generally accepted wisdom, may itself act
illegally.
The Security Council adopted resolution 1483 on 22nd May 2003.
Although the Council did not refer to the legality, or otherwise, of
the invasion of Iraq, it, nevertheless, created serious and dangerous
precedents.
The resolution states et al:
=93Encouraging efforts by the people of Iraq to form a representative
government based on the rule of law that affords equal rights and
justice to all Iraqi citizens without regard to ethnicity, religion,
or gender, and, in this connection, recalls resolution 1325 (2000) of
31 October 2000,
welcoming the first steps of the Iraqi people in this regard, and
noting in this connection the 15 April 2003 Nasiriyah statement and
the 28 April 2003 Baghdad statement.=94
In adopting such a statement, the Council has breached the Charter in
accepting that a sovereign founding member state has had its
sovereignty stripped by an invading force with the blessing of the
Council while at the same time granting legitimacy to declarations
made by people, such as Ahmed Al-Chalabi, who came with the invader.
It is not difficult to see the dangers for the whole world that such
a precedent creates. It seems to me that resolution 1483 and the
following resolutions that relied on it are open to legal challenge
before the International Court of Justice on the ground that the
Security Council has acted ultra vires.
It remains to say that some members of the Security Council, for
reasons that are not solely principled, ensured that the Resolution
1483 binds all parties by International Law:
=93 Calls upon all concerned to comply fully with their obligations
under international law including in particular the Geneva
Conventions of 1949 and the Hague Regulations of 1907;=94
In doing so, some of the Security Council members left the door open
for future independent Iraqi Governments to sue the invaders for the
illegal war and for breaches of the Geneva Conventions in any case.
Laws of Occupation
The Hague Regulations 1907 lay down the law of land war. The Geneva
Conventions 1949 were drafted and ratified by the world community to
supplement and fill the gaps in the law that became apparent during
the WWII. They are fundamental and are made to be obeyed by states,
just as much as any domestic legislation is meant to be obeyed.
The Hague Regulation defines occupation in Article 42 as:
=93 Territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under
the authority of the hostile army. The occupation extends only to the
territory where such authority has been established and can be
exercised.=94
It is clear from the above definition that Iraq was occupied the day
the US and British armies imposed their military control over it,
disbanded its army and security and stripped its sovereign government
of its authority. The importance of this definition is that it puts
legal obligations on the occupier, which last for the duration of the
occupation. A belligerent occupation comes to an end in one of two
ways =96 either through withdrawing from the territory or being driven
out of it. There is no other method for ending occupation under
International Law. The importance of this latter definition arises
from the possible attempt of the occupier to evade the legal
obligation by declaring the end of the occupation and shifting the
legal responsibility to a third irresponsible party. It seems that
that is precisely what the occupiers have done in Iraq and that they
have got the blessing of the Security Council for doing so. The
Security Council Resolution 1546 adopted on 8th June 2004 states:
=93Welcomes that, also by 30 June 2004, the occupation will end and the
Coalition Provisional Authority will cease to exist, and that Iraq
will reassert its full sovereignty;=94
In stating this, the Security Council accepted that occupation would
end by the end of June 2004 as claimed by the occupier when in fact
the occupation was, de facto, in continuance. The Security Council
fell into a legal paradox. On one hand it accepted that occupation
was coming to an end while on the other it accepted that it was
continuing under the guise of being asked to stay in Iraq by the
transitional government which itself was appointed by the occupier.
In short the Security Council accepted that the occupiers are allowed
to breach the International Law it bound them by. But more
significantly the Security Council, in accepting the plans of the
occupier has in fact created new legal definition of occupation and
its end.
It is not difficult to see the reasons for the demand and success of
the occupiers in securing such resolutions as Resolutions 1546. For
example, the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian
Persons in Time of War, Article 6, states that the application of the
present Convention shall cease one year after the general close of
military operations. The Article goes on to state that =93however, the
Occupying Power shall be bound, for the duration of the occupation,
to the extent that such Power exercises the functions of government
in such territory.=94 The Article imposes obligation on the occupier
for the duration of occupation but leaves the door open for
interpretation as to when occupation comes to an end in the case of
continuous presence of the occupying power.
It is obvious that the occupying powers, by declaring that occupation
has ended in Iraq, are trying to assert that the Convention does not
apply and they are free to operate under agreement with the Iraqi
authority. This is at the heart of the insistence of having the
elections as soon as possible.
The obligations under the Geneva Conventions create another serious
legal problem for the occupying powers. The UK has ratified Protocol
I i.e. Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August
1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of International
Armed Conflicts, while the US has declined to ratify it. As the title
indicates the Protocol creates further legal obligations relevant to
the treatment of civilians in occupied territories. It is not
difficult to realize the reason for the US, which claims to top the
list of civilized nations, to refrain from ratifying such an
important international obligation. However, the UK has a real legal
problem in explaining how it went into a venture with a partner who
from the outset had the intention of breaching an international
obligation, which the UK has ratified. Both countries sought jointly
the right to occupy and govern Iraq. They were jointly granted such
authority by the Security Council conditional on abiding by their
obligation under International Law. It follows that the UK could be
found guilty of any breach by the US under its obligation to Protocol
I!
It is inconceivable that a free election can take place in a country
under occupation. The outcome of any such election is a government
loyal to the occupier. If that were not the outcome of the election
in Iraq then the occupation by UK and US would be one of the most
stupid ventures in modern history.
The US imperialist plan for the Middle East, which started with the
occupation of Iraq, intends to hold an election of some sort. Once
this is achieved the US and the UK would seek the Security Council
recognition of the election and its outcome. It is not hard to see
why the Security Council would not hesitate to grant such
recognition. If there were no other good reason it would be to wash
its hands of the whole matter and its legal consequences as it seems
it finds itself incompetent to do anything else considering that the
Secretary General of the UN has declared, no doubt on sound legal
advise, the invasion of Iraq was illegal.
The occupying power will be asked by the new government to stay in
Iraq until security allows it to withdraw, which by definition may be
indefinitely. The elected government would build on the 100 orders
passed by the occupying authority in which Iraq=92s economy was changed
contrary to International Law, and award Iraq=92s oil and mineral
deposits to US companies.
What happens after the election?
By analysing what has happened in Iraq so far and with some
understanding of the power centres in Iraqi society it seems that the
scenario of events after the election will the take the following
form.
1. Some election will take place because postponing it amounts to
total collapse of all that, which UK and US have claimed to be their
objective.
2. The occupiers will declare the =91democratic=92 election to be a
unique event and sell it to their public and to those Arab masses,
which rely on Arab media located or supported by the corrupt regimes
of Arabia and the Gulf, none of which has ever had an election.
3. The occupiers will rush to the Security Council seeking a
resolution recognizing the legitimate outcome of the election, which
will be instantly granted.
4. Iraq will be divided, following the election, on sectarian basis
between the Sunni and the Shi=92a, and on racial basis between the
Shi=92a and the Kurds, with the latter division having a more
detrimental result for Iraq.
5. The occupiers will enter into an agreement with the duly elected
body for the former to be asked to stay in Iraq for a certain period
to be extended by agreement.
6. A timetable will be agreed for the occupying forces to withdraw to
secure bases outside the cities as security allows, with a proviso
that allows them to enter any city whenever they decide that their
security demands it.
7. The newly elected authority will enter into an agreement granting
the occupying powers any commercial interest of any value in Iraq=92s
natural resources, which were managed by Iraqis for forty years.
8. The occupying power will determine its stay in Iraq in accordance
with the outcome of the internal conflict between the legitimate
resistance, which will undoubtedly carry on fighting irrespective of
the election, and its outcome, and the occupying forces and their
allies from among the Iraqis.
9. If the forces allied with the occupation succeed in containing the
resistance, the occupying forces will be staying in Iraq in one form
or another for decades.
10. If, on the other hand, the forces allied to the occupier look
like losing the battle, the US may withdraw and fuel the conflict by
arming their allies and via US trained death squads. In any case, if
the US were not able to secure Iraq as a base for hegemony over the
rest of the Middle East, then taking Iraq out of the struggle between
Arabism and Zionism would have been worth the cost.
http://www.albasrah.net/maqalat/english/0105/al-ani_290105.htm
Mark Parkinson
Bodmin
Cornwall
--__--__--
Message: 4
From: CharlieChimp1@DELETETHISaol.com
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2005 18:36:00 EST
Subject: media disinformation on voter turnout
To: newsclippings@casi.org.uk
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
Iraqi Elections: Media Disinformation on Voter Turnout?
Michel Chossudovsky, www.globalresearch.ca
31 January 2005
The URL of this article is: _http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO501F.html=
_
(http://globalresearch.ca/articles/CHO501F.html</i>)
Ongoing preliminary Report, 2.37 EST, 31 January 2004
The media in chorus decided that voter turnout was high.
Western governments and the international community confirmed that the
turnout was high, based on contradictory official figures and statements:
"a high turnout in today's election" (BBC, 30 Jan).
"polling stations witnessed an unexpectedly high turnout, demonstrating th=
e
Iraqi people's eagerness for liberty and democracy, which is exactly the
outcome that the United States wishes for the Iraqis"
"The French government hailed Iraq's first free elections in half a centur=
y
as a "great success for the international community" and called the
surprisingly high voter turnout "good news".
"The initial figures included surprisingly high voter numbers around
central Iraq where the rebels have carried out attack after attack."
The turnout figure was first put at 72 percent quoting official sources, a=
t
least two hours before the closing of the polls.
"Early figures on the turnout exceeded even the most optimistic forecasts =
-
72 per cent of voters."
"Correspondent's report from Baghdad says turnout unexpected. Cites Electi=
on
Commission officials as saying 95 per cent of Baghdadis voted. He says
overall percentage is 72 per cent. Heavy security measures in Baghdad. Pra=
ises
organization of elections and employees attitude."
"Polling places across Iraq have just closed. And despite some terror
attacks, an Iraqi election official says 72 percent of eligible voters hav=
e gone to
the polls, but that has not been confirmed." (Fox New, (9.00 EST, 14.00 GM=
T)
Where was this 72 percent figure taken? On what was it based? How was it
derived?
By the time this figure started circulating in the global news chain, voti=
ng
booths had not yet closed.
The 72 percent turnout figure, which was on the lips of journalists and
network TV talk shows was based on an interview with the Minister of Plann=
ing in
the interim government, on the 30th at 11.45 GMT, more than two hours befo=
re
the closing of the polls:
"although a 72 per cent turnout was expected, it appears that the
participation level will only reach 50 per cent." (1145 gmt, Al-Iraqiyah l=
ive satellite
interview with Planning Minister Mahdi al-Hafiz, from the Conference Centr=
e
in Baghdad, BBC Monitoring, 30 Jan 2005) .
In fact, the 72 percent figure, quoted by journalists was not based on
anything concrete.
An hour later, a senior official of the Independent Electoral Commission i=
n
Iraq (IECI), Adil al-Lami, repeated the same 72 percent figure. at a news
conference at 12.24 GMT in which Adil al-Lami, and Safwat, another IECI
official, provided very precise figures on voter turnout for the 18 govern=
ates (see
Table below).
At this news conference, overall voter turnout was placed at 72 per cent a=
nd
in some areas 90 per cent.
After the polls had closed and another news conference was held, the same
senior IECI official stated that he expected the voter turnout to be 60 pe=
r
cent.
How was this last figure arrived at, without the counting of the ballots?
Why was it 72 per cent and then, two hours later it was revised to 60
percent?
With shattered communications systems, how did the information get
transmitted so quickly to the IECI for release at a News conference at 14.=
00 GMT?
When questioned, a senior IECI official was evasive regarding the source a=
nd
methodology underlying his figures (see complete interview in annex):
"These estimates are what they (the offices) have seen, their observations
and their feelings," Lami said. "These estimates are based on human flow a=
t
their polling stations."
On what did the percentages that were announced at the news conference
depend? Were they based on the flow of people only?
(Ayyar) Yes, on the basis of the flow of people and the expectations in
front of the polling centres at many places throughout Iraq and also some
contacts with the presiding officers of these centres, whether in the nort=
h, the
south or the centre. The person who announced these figures did not say th=
at
they were final figures. So far, we have no results for the elections. The
counting is taking place right now. I heard that Al-Sharqiyah knows some t=
hings,
which we do not know.(Iraqi Al-Sharqiyah TV, 30 January)
Observations and feelings?
And a few hours later, the news reports start shifting. First its 72
percent, then its 60 percent, then its down to 50 percent.
...this election appears, based on everything that we know right now, to
have been a tremendous and even surprising success, particularly if the tu=
rnout
to be as high as 60 percent, despite the participation or lack of it by th=
e
Sunnis.... 8 million Iraqis went to the polls, about 60 percent of the
electorate. That turnout, in some areas as high as 95 percent. The mood in=
Baghdad
tonight has been described as exuberant. (CNN, 30 Jan, 6 PM EST)
From 60 percent to 50 percent.
Iraqi officials hope for a turnout of at least 50 per cent to lend
legitimacy to the outcome. Even if turnout is lower, the election is expec=
ted to
receive the international stamp of approval. (Australian 31 Jan)
If the turnout is finally reckoned to be 50 per cent, or anything like it,
and the deaths attributable to the insurgency are less than a total bloodb=
ath,
that will be considered a step forward. ...
Early reports from polling stations show that the turnout in Iraq's electi=
on
yesterday could reach or exceed 50 per cent, political party officials sai=
d.
"The reports we are receiving indicate that the turnout will hit more than
50 per cent. Iraqis are looking at these elections as an issue of dignity,=
"
Hafedh said. (China Daily 31 Jan)
Now the word is that a 30 per cent overall turnout would be satisfactory(N=
ew
Statesman, 31 Jan )
Related Facts regarding Voter Turnout, which contradict the official figur=
es
and statements:
1. In five out of 18 governates, according to a Russian parliamentary
observer, the elections were either cancelled due to the lack of security =
or were
marked by a very low turnout. (Novosti, 30 Jan). This statement contradict=
s
the figures presented by the IECI at the Press Conference, which indicate
voter turnout of 50 per cent or more in all the governates. (including Sun=
ni
regions where there was a boycott, as confirmed by several press reports).=
(See
Table 1 below)
2. According to Xinhua (5 hours before the close of polling stations): "Th=
e
turnout was very low during the past few hours in Tikrit, Dujail, Balad an=
d
Tuz, much lower than expected," a source in the electoral body told Xinhua=
.
"In addition, no voters showed up in Baiji, Samarra and Dour," said the so=
urce,
who declined to be identified. The cities of Dujail and Balad have mixed
population of Shiites and Sunnis, while Tuz has a mosaic of Kurds, Arabs a=
nd
Turkmen. In Tikrit, some 170 km north of Baghdad, 75 percent of the voting
stations have not been visited till now. (Xinhua, 30 Jan 2005, 9 AM GMT)
3. Several cities in Iraq did not receive electoral materials, "In the cit=
y
of Mosul, the deputy governor said that four towns did not receive the
election process materials. How do you justify this? These towns are Bashq=
a,
Bartillah, Al-Hamdaniyah and Jihan. They did not receive the material for =
the
election process." (Iraqi Al-Sharqiyah TV, 30 Jan)
Table 1: Breakdown of Voter Turnout according to IECI official : 2 hours
before closing of voting booths
At the start of the live relay, Al-Lami listed the voter turnout in each
governorate as follows: "70 per cent in Al-Sulaymaniyah Governorate
(northeastern Iraq), 60 per cent in Salah-al-Din Governorate (north of Bag=
hdad), 60 per
cent in Al-Ta'mim Governorate (northern Iraq), 82 per cent in Duhok
Governorate (far northern Iraq), 65 per cent in Baghdad Al-Rusafah, 95 per=
cent in
Baghdad Al-Karkh, 90 per cent in Karbala (southeast of Baghdad), 50 per ce=
nt in
Diyala (Governorate, northeast of Baghdad), 66 per cent in Babil
(Governorate, south of Baghdad), 75 per cent in Wasit (Governorate, southe=
ast of
Baghdad), 66 per cent in Basra (Governorate, southeastern Iraq), 80 per ce=
nt in
Dhi-Qar (Governorate, southeastern Iraq), 92 per cent in Maysan (Governora=
te on
Iranian border, southern Iraq), 80 per cent in Al-Muthanna (Governorate, i=
n
southern Iraq), 50 per cent in Al-Qadisiyah (Governorate, to south of Bagh=
dad),
and 80 per cent in Al-Najaf (Governorate, southern Iraq). Vote turnout in
Al-Anbar (western Iraq) and Salah-al-Din governorates is a big surprise; i=
t will
be announced in the coming news conference (as heard), God willing. The
number of polling centres opened is 5171 in all of Iraq's governorates."
Source IECI Press Conference, Al-Iraqiyah TV, Baghdad, in Arabic 1224 gmt =
30
Jan 05
January 30, 2005
IRAQI ELECTORAL COMMISSION SPOKESMAN QUIZZED ON TURNOUT FIGURES, VOTE COUN=
T
Text of satellite interview with Farid Ayyar, official spokesman of the
Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq, in Baghdad, by Iman Sadiq, broad=
cast
live by Iraqi Al-Sharqiyah TV on 30 January
(Sadiq) First of all, we welcome you. We are happy to have you with us in
your capacity as a fellow journalist. You and your staff have performed ve=
ry
well in the Iraqi elections. This is a national effort, for which you shou=
ld be
thanked. This was not really expected. Secondly, we welcome you as the
official spokesman of the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq (IECI).
(Ayyar) Thank you very much and you are welcome.
(Sadiq) We have several questions to put to you, since you are the officia=
l
spokesman of the IECI. But we want you to answer in your capacity as a fel=
low
journalist as well. First of all, Al-Sharqiyah has received many complaint=
s.
Two hours before the polls closed, there was a news conference. You
explained that the voter turnout had reached 72 per cent and in some areas=
90 per
cent. After the polls were closed and at a news conference, you told those
present that the expected voter turnout was 60 per cent. Why this contradi=
ction,
although there was only a difference of two hours between the two statemen=
ts?
(Ayyar) Thank you very much for your introduction, which was realistic,
because the success of these elections does not concern a certain category=
or
group. Rather, it concerns all Iraqis, including those who did not take pa=
rt in
the elections. Iraq is for all and the elections are for all. Therefore,
responsibility should also be assumed by all.
(Sadiq) Dr Farid, why this contradiction?
(Ayyar) I will answer you. First of all, about the question that has to do
with announcing a certain turnout; well, the percentage that was announced=
in
the afternoon was an estimate and it depended on the flow of people in fro=
nt
of polling centres and not on official statistics produced by counting the
ballots.
(Sadiq) On what did the percentages that were announced at the news
conference depend? Were they based on the flow of people only?
(Ayyar) Yes, on the basis of the flow of people and the expectations in
front of the polling centres at many places throughout Iraq and also some
contacts with the presiding officers of these centres, whether in the nort=
h, the
south or the centre. The person who announced these figures did not say th=
at
they were final figures. So far, we have no results for the elections. The
counting is taking place right now. I heard that Al-Sharqiyah knows some t=
hings,
which we do not know.
(Sadiq) In the city of Mosul, the deputy governor said that four towns did
not receive the election process materials. How do you justify this? These
towns are Bashqa, Bartillah, Al-Hamdaniyah and Jihan. They did not receive=
the
material for the election process. Why is this?
(Ayyar) The deputy governor is not authorized to make a statement on behal=
f
of the IECI, which is impartial. He does not have the right to speak in ou=
r
name. I am the official spokesman and I can speak about everything related=
to
the IECI and the elections.
(Sadiq) He did not speak in the name of the IECI. He only said that some
areas did not receive the election process materials. What is your
justification, since you represent the IECI, which is in charge of the ele=
ctions?
(Ayyar) This did not happen. We have distributed all the supplies, forms a=
nd
ballot boxes based on a tight plan to all areas. I do not know how he said
this. We are certain that our work was good, although there is a possibili=
ty
of human error. Anyone might make a mistake. However, this did not happen.
(Sadiq) The IECI exerted tremendous efforts and you deserve to be thanked
for that. It was a huge effort that nobody expected and nobody denies this=
.
However, ballot counting has started using lamps. Does this negatively aff=
ect
the results or the ballot counting?
(Ayyar) I would like to say that among the things that were imported to
provide polling stations with is these special lamps. These lamps were bro=
ught so
as to have enough light, in case a power outage takes place, in order to
enable those involved in the ballot counting to do their job. This is part=
of
the things we purchased to supply the needs of polling stations in Iraq.
Therefore, lamps are available and the ballot counting is currently under =
way. We
will announce results once we have them.
(Sadiq) If the IECI is the only party concerned with this issue, what is t=
he
reason for the delay in announcing the results? Two weeks or 10 days are t=
oo
much. Everybody is waiting eagerly for the results of the elections. Seven=
ty
per cent of ballot counting was completed a few hours after closing ballot
boxes. Why then is this delay if the IECI is the only party concerned with
this issue?
(Ayyar) Thanks for telling me that 70 per cent of ballot counting was
completed despite the fact that I, the spokesman for the IECI, do not know=
this per
cent until now! There is no delay. The official and final results will be
announced after receiving the results of the out-of-country voting, which =
will
continue for four days according to the International Organization for
Migration (IOM). Afterward, these results will be collected together with =
local
results here and will be announced to the public in an official ceremony. =
We
want to finish this matter as soon as possible. There is nothing hidden (c=
hanges
thought) - but we will finish the job and announce results most probably i=
n
less than 10 days, or even in seven or six days. We will finish our work a=
nd
announce results in an honest and transparent manner.
(Sadiq) Then you will not give us a specific date for announcing the final
or the initial results.
(Ayyar) The initial results will be announced as soon as the IECI receives
them. They will be announced day by day during pre-planned news conference=
s.
If any results become available to us by tomorrow, we will definitely anno=
unce
them. After ballot counting, every polling centre will announce its result=
s.
Afterward, these results will be sent to the main centre -
(Sadiq, interrupting) We received many results from Kirkuk, Huwayjah, Mosu=
l
and Basra governorates. Results have started to appear and they are being
sent to Al-Sharqiyah TV, but we do not want to announce them so as not to =
cause
chaos or discrepancy in figures. We will wait for the IECI's results. We
thank you for the tremendous efforts you exerted and we are happy that you=
are a
fellow journalist. Thank you very much.
Source: Al-Sharqiyah, Baghdad, in Arabic 1837 gmt 30 Jan 05. BBC Monitorin=
g,
Copyright 2005 Financial Times Information
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--__--__--
Message: 5
From: CharlieChimp1@DELETETHISaol.com
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2005 19:30:01 EST
Subject: who voted, who didn't and why
To: newsclippings@casi.org.uk
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
_http://207.44.245.159/article7920.htm_
(http://207.44.245.159/article7920.htm)
Iraq: Who voted and who didn't and why
By Frontlines staff, with material from agencies
01/31/95 "_Frontline_ (http://www.sf-frontlines.com/) " -- BAGHDAD, Iraq =
=E2=80=93
Polling places in some neighborhoods in Baghdad, Mosul, Tikrit and other to=
wns
and cities around the country were empty. Participation in the elections in
those places was very light.
In other areas of Baghdad, particularly the heavily fortified Green Zone a=
nd
some residential areas, throughout the Northern Iraqi Kurdistan and heavil=
y
Shia areas under control of Ayatollah al-Sistani=E2=80=99s political force=
s, the
polls were bulging with votes and sizable lines of voters could be observe=
d.
The real numbers of this election are difficult to obtain as international
monitors were not allowed to observe the proceedings for "security reasons=
."
Even if we use the highly unreliable figures distributed by the Iraqi
government and sources close to the US embassy in Baghdad, the results see=
med to
indicate a mixed bag, no matter what the different parties are trying to s=
pin:
Eligible voters: 20-Million
Registered voters: 14 million or 70% of those eligible (280,000 registered
and were eligible to vote abroad.)
Expatriates: only 25% of the 1.2-Million expatriates registered to vote an=
d
about half of them voted in 15 countries. The highest numbers of registere=
d
expatriates were in Siria, Iran and Jordan. In these countries the turnout=
was
also the highest.
In the US and Britain, the registration of expatriates barely reached 10%.
In the US, contrary to the trends elsewhere, most voters were Christian
Caldeans and Asyrians, followed in numbers by Kurdish. Shias and Sunnis li=
ving in
the US were either opposed to the elections or afraid of participating. Ma=
ny
believed the Department of Homeland Security was monitoring the polling
places.
Total voters on 1/30/05: Approximately 7 Millions or 50% of those register=
ed
or 35% of all eligible voters.
Who got the votes? The Kurdish came out as the big winners in this electio=
n.
While they are about 19% of the population, they constituted 33% of the
total vote as they were the best organized and the ones most able to turn =
out the
vote. All the Kurdish parties ran as a single coalition and will most like=
ly
win over 25% of the Assembly=E2=80=99s seats.
The Kurdish supported the war and occupation of Iraq and had, for over a
decade, established an autonomous region in the north, protected by the US=
.
Al-Sistani=E2=80=99s United Iraqi Alliance is expected to receive 30-35% o=
f the vote
and Prime Minister Allawi hope to gather at least 25% of the vote for his
Iraqi List. The other parties and coalitions are expected to poll between =
15%
and 20% of the vote.
al-Sistani demanded elections by calling mass demonstrations a year ago an=
d
forced Bush and the Occupation forces to abandon their plans for more limi=
ted
forms of representation.
Abstentionists: 30% of the population did not register and over 40% of tho=
se
registered did not vote.
Polling centers were largely empty all day in many cities of the Sunni
Triangle north and west of the capital, particularly Fallujah, Ramadi and =
Beiji,
The Associated Press reported. In Baghdad's mainly Sunni Arab area of
Adhamiyah, the neighborhood's four polling centers did not open, residents=
said. '
Dexter Filkins of the NYT wrote, ' In the town of Baji in northern Iraq,
election officials did not show up. In Ramadi, where Iraqi officials set u=
p a
pair of polling places just outside the city, a total of just 300 ballots =
were
cast, many of them by police officers and soldiers. '
The idea, mentioned by Condoleeza Rice on Sunday, that any significant
number of Fallujans voted, is considered by many absurd. Most of the 250,0=
00
Fallujans are still in exile, and the city is still occasionally the scene=
of
fighting. There are reports of some voting in refugee camps outside the ci=
ty.
Many believe that is motivated by a desire to have a legitimate, elected
government that could effectively demand a US withdrawal.
The more than a dozen parties and organizations calling to boycott the
elections =E2=80=93 including mostly Sunni parties and clerics, but also C=
hristian and
left leaning nationalist groupings as well as women's and human rights' gr=
oups
-- will claim, no doubt, the allegiance of 50% of the Iraqi population.
A more objective assessment would establish that they, in fact, represent
around 30% of all potential voters in Iraq.
Although not big organizations, some left wing and Marxist groups and a
nascent Green organization called to boycot the elections as well.
UNITED IRAQI ALLIANCE
The United Iraqi Alliance is said to have the backing of Iraq's most senio=
r
Shia cleric, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. It is expected to receive ove=
r
30-35% of the vote.
Muhammad Bazzi at Newsday discusses Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani's role in
the recent elections. He writes:
"Al-Sistani is especially keen to have a role in shaping the new
constitution, which is supposed to be drafted by mid-August and put to a n=
ational
referendum by Oct. 15.
"He is concerned about two issues: the role of Islam in Iraqi society and
the extent of the political autonomy that would be granted to Kurds in nor=
thern
Iraq.
"The ayatollah wants Islam to be declared the country's official faith and
Islamic law to infuse civil laws.
"He is also resistant to giving Kurds a veto power over the constitution, =
as
they currently have under an administrative law put in place by the U.S.
occupation. Part of the reason for al-Sistani's backing of the unified Shi=
a
slate is to assure him a key role in drafting the constitution.
"But that is likely to rekindle the debate over the role of clergy in
politics. "Al-Sistani wants to have a strong hand in drafting the constitu=
tion,"
Shammari said. "This will renew questions about what role he wants to play=
in
politics." '
The UIA list is dominated by Shia Muslims, but also includes some
Christians, Turkomans, Sunnis and Kurds. It does not include the followers=
of radical
Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. The 228-candidate list contains over 20 group=
s,
movements and political parties, including:
The Islamic Daawa party is one of the two biggest Shia parties in Iraq. It
was based in Iran during the Saddam era. It is certain to play a major rol=
e in
the new government. Its candidates are on the top of the list.
Party spokesman Ibrahim Jaafari is one of Iraq's two vice-presidents and
could well emerge as prime minister if Allawi is not able to gather enough=
votes
or convince the Kurdish alliance to make a deal.
The IDP is a conservative party and is the oldest of the country's Shia
movements, with roots going back to the 1950s.
It has suffered some fragmentation since the fall of Saddam Hussein, and m=
ay
have lost support because of its co-operation with the occupying forces in
Iraq.
The Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, or Sciri, is an
influential Shia party that was based in Iran for much of the time Saddam =
Hussein
ruled Iraq.
Its leader, Abdel Aziz Hakim, is the brother of a top Shia cleric who was
killed in a massive car bombing in August 2003. Abdel Aziz was a member of=
the
Iraqi Governing Council and he or a deputy will almost certainly be a majo=
r
player following elections.
Sciri had its own militia, the 10,000-strong Badr Brigade, until late 2003
when private militias were banned. The body has since been renamed the Bad=
r
Organization and has worked alongside US and UK troops in Iraq.
Sciri's Iranian backing has fallen off in the face of its willingness to
work with the US-backed administration in Iraq.
Badr Organization
Central Grouping Party
Islamic Fayli Grouping in Iraq
Al-Fadilah Islamic Party
First Democratic National Party
Islamic Fayli Grouping in Iraq
Iraq's Future Grouping
Hezbollah Movement in Iraq
Justice and Equality Grouping
Iraqi National Congress
Islamic al-Dawah Party-Iraq Organization
Islamic Master of the Martyrs Movement
Islamic Task Organization
Islamic Union for Iraqi Turkomans
The list is also said to represent the Yazidi religious minority.
IRAQI LIST
The Iraqi List is headed by Interim Prime Minister Iyad Allawi's party, th=
e
Iraqi National Accord Movement.
The list is a coalition between a number of political groups, including:
Council of Iraq's Notables
Iraqi Democrats Movement
Democratic National Awakening Party
Loyalty to Iraq Grouping
Iraqi Independents Association
The list also includes former governing council member, Dr Raja Habib
al-Khuzali.
Allawi received much economic support from the US and he is hoping to gath=
er
at least 25% of the vote and convince the Kurdish alliance (who disagree
with al-Sistani in the central question of autonomy for the Kurdish region=
) to
form a majority coalition in the Assembly and vote for Allawi to continue
leading the government.
Allawi was a high ranking official of the Baath Party and a supporter of
Saddam Hussein until the 1970s whe he fell from grace and was forced to
emigrate. He collaborated for the last three decades with both the MI6 and=
the CIA.
KURDISH PARTIES (Kurdistan Alliance List)
Iraq's Kurds have enjoyed autonomy in the north since the first US war
against Saddam Hussein in 1991.
Their two leading political parties, who were opponents for more than a
decade, have agreed to stand together in the January polls. They support a=
united
Iraq rather than an independent Kurdistan.
The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) has been a dominant force in Iraqi
Kurdish politics for more than half a century.
Massoud Barzani has led the KDP since 1979, through decades of conflict wi=
th
the Iraqi government in Baghdad and with local rivals.
The KDP commands tens of thousands of armed militia fighters, known as
peshmerga, and controls a large area of north-western Iraq.
Mr Barzani was a member of the Iraqi Governing Council and a lieutenant of
his is now vice-president of Iraq. He or a chosen deputy should capture a
significant role following elections.
=E2=80=A2 The newer Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) was founded in 1975=
and
describes itself as a modern social-democratic party and has branches in I=
ran,
Turkey and Iraq. It has a history of fighting more radical left wing force=
s in
the past, including the Kurdish Workers Party in Turkey and Kurdish Marxis=
ts
in Iran.
=E2=80=A2 Under the command of the veteran Kurdish leader Jalal Talabani, =
the PUK
has created militia forces and a party organization to rival the tradition=
ally
dominant KDP.
=E2=80=A2 The party's literature says the PUK was founded in order to "reb=
uild and
redirect Kurdish society along modern and democratic lines".
=E2=80=A2 Mr Talabani was a member of the Iraqi Governing Council and is l=
ikely to
play a key role in the country after elections.
=E2=80=A2 Nine other parties will be represented in the Kurdistan Alliance=
List,
reflecting the ethnic mix of the Kurdish Autonomous Area:
=E2=80=A2 Assyrian National Party
=E2=80=A2 Chaldean Democratic Union Party
=E2=80=A2 Democratic House of the Two Rivers Party
=E2=80=A2 Democratic National Union of Kurdistan
=E2=80=A2 Kurdistan Communist Party
=E2=80=A2 Kurdistan Democratic Socialist Party
=E2=80=A2 Kurdish Islamic Union
=E2=80=A2 Kurdistan Movement of the Peasants and Oppressed
=E2=80=A2 Kurdistan Toilers Party (Zahmatkeshan)
If, as expected, this list obtains 25% of the vote will become the power
broker with either Allawi=E2=80=99s faction or al-Sistani=E2=80=99s forces=
. Two key issues are
at stake: Kurdish autonomy and a prominent post in the future government f=
or
the two main leaders.
OTHER PLAYERS
=E2=80=A2 The People's Union contains the Iraqi Communist Party, once one =
of the
strongest communist movements in the Arab world, and an independent candid=
ate,
Hikmat Dawud Hakim.
Communist Party leader Hamid Majid Musa said the list contained "257
cultural, social and democratic figures, in addition to candidates represe=
nting
various sects and nationalities".
One of those on the People's Union list is Culture Minister Mufid Muhammad
Jawad al-Jazairi, who represents the communists in the interim government.
The Communist Party was the subject of harsh repression under the Saddam
Hussein regime, but re-emerged immediately after his fall.
The party - which has existed since 1934 and helped to topple the
British-backed monarchy in 1958 - traditionally draws support from poor sou=
thern Shias.
The ICP had been harshly criticized by other socialists and communists
around the world for supporting the US occupation. At the same time, sever=
al
members of the party, who were minor government officials had been killed =
by
insurgents in the last few months.
=E2=80=A2 Arab Democratic Front, 50 candidates, led by Fahran Hawwas al-Su=
dayd.
The aim of the Arab Democratic Front is to defend the "Arab character of
Iraq with respect to the will and rights of the coexisting sects in it".
It excludes any person who worked in the dissolved Iraqi Governing Council
or its institutions.
=E2=80=A2 Iraqi Constitutional Monarchy Movement has 75 candidates, led by=
al-Sharif
Ali Bin al-Hussein.
The Iraqi Constitution Monarchy Movement is "not a political party,"
according to al-Sharif Ali Bin al-Hussein, "rather, it is a comprehensive,=
mass
orientation". The Constitutional Monarchy Movement has called for a restor=
ation
of the Iraqi monarchy which was overthrown in 1958.
PARTIES BOYCOTTING THE ELECTIONS
=E2=80=A2 The Association of Muslim Scholars is a Sunni religious body tha=
t has
called for a boycott of the elections.
It has taken a leading role in representing Sunni Iraqis in the absence of
any organized Sunni political parties. The lack of such parties is in part
because of the banning of former Baath Party officials from the elections.
Shia religious leaders and US officials tried to persuade the association =
to
drop its boycott call. The leveling of Fallujah by US forces made any deal
impossible.
=E2=80=A2 Iraq's main Sunni political movement, the Iraqi Islamic Party, h=
as also
withdrawn from the elections because of the country's poor security situat=
ion.
Other parties which said they will boycott the elections include:
National Front for the Unity of Iraq
Shaykh Muhammad Jawwad al-Khalisi (Secretary-General of the INCC)
Dr Wamid Jamal Nazmi (Spokesman)
Arab Nationalist Trend Movement
Imam al-Khalisi University
Democratic Reform Party
United National Front
Iraqi Turkoman Front
Iraqi Christian Democratic Party
Islamic Bloc in Iraq
Office of Ayatollah Ahmad al-Husayni al-Baghdadi
Office of Ayatollah Qasim al-Tai
Union of Iraqi Jurists
Higher Committee for Human Rights
Iraqi Women's Association
These political organizations probably represent about 30% of all Iraqis,
including Sunnis, Christians and Caldeans, as well as many university stud=
ents
and intellectuals.
Copyright: SF-Frontlines
--__--__--
Message: 6
From: CharlieChimp1@DELETETHISaol.com
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2005 19:34:45 EST
Subject: The Staged Elections of 2005
To: newsclippings@casi.org.uk
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
_http://207.44.245.159/article7921.htm_
(http://207.44.245.159/article7921.htm)
The Staged Elections of 2005
By Ghali Hassan
01/31/05 "_Information Clearing House_
(http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/) " -- Like the US elections of N=
ovember 2004, the Iraqi =E2=80=9Celections=E2=80=9D of
2005 have received great deal of propaganda in Western and American
mainstream media. Like the elections of November 2004, the elections of Ja=
nuary 2005
are =E2=80=9Cnon-elections=E2=80=9D. They are US-crafted to =E2=80=9Clegiti=
mise=E2=80=9D and keep the same
system in place. These elections bring no benefits to the people of Iraq.
They are part of an imperial design to keep Iraq in foreign hands. They ar=
e
staged elections.
Staged elections are directed at the peoples of the West, and particularly=
,
the American people. The Iraqi people know that these elections are a sham
designed to keep them forever poor, without civil and public services, and
subjected them to foreign domination. They know that these elections are t=
o
legitimise the Occupation, not for the sake of =E2=80=9Cdemocracy=E2=80=9D.=
For elections are not
an end, they are part of a process. These elections show the naked and
corrupt character of western democracy when packaged and forced on peoples=
in the
Developing World.
From the beginning, the Bush administration opposed one-person, one-vote
elections in Iraq. The Bush administration picked up a stooge and appointe=
d him
as =E2=80=9Cprime minister=E2=80=9D in place of democracy. The Bush admini=
stration =E2=80=9Cstifled,
delayed, manipulated and otherwise thwarted the democratic aspiration of t=
he
Iraqi people,=E2=80=9D writes Canadian journalist and author, Naomi Klein.=
It was
Washington who replaced the process of democracy with violence.
The only legitimate elections under foreign occupation must be in the form
of a referendum on whether or not to end the US occupation. The Iraqi peop=
le
have been denied this important choice. Instead, the Iraqi people were tre=
ated
to the charade of fake democracy. =E2=80=9CThat democracy has been denied =
in Iraq is
beyond question=E2=80=9D, writes John Nichols of The Nation. The Occupatio=
n will
continue, =E2=80=9Cas democracy takes hold in Iraq, America's mission ther=
e will continue
=E2=80=9D, as part of controlling the oil reserves and establishing milita=
ry bases
against the wishes of the Iraqi people who rejected the elections and stay=
ed
indoors.
It was hardly the elections=E2=80=99 day people are used to. It was a day =
of war,
similar to the first day of that illegal US war of aggression. Iraqis cudd=
led
their children and stayed home praying for food, water and electricity. Un=
less
paid by Allawi=E2=80=99s gang and loaded on trucks with Iraqi flags, most =
Iraqis
ignored this =E2=80=9CAmerican movie=E2=80=9D. The veteran journalist, Rob=
ert Fisk, of The
Independent writes, =E2=80=9CMany Iraqis do not know the names of the cand=
idates, let
alone their policies, [because it was secret]. But there will be democracy=
in
Iraq=E2=80=9D, the democracy of enslavement to US imperialism.
Are there any doubts that, the US-created stooge, Iyad Allawi, will not
continue his current position of Occupation spokesman? According to the
Washington Post, Allawi=E2=80=99s gang threatened Iraqis if they do not vo=
te (for Allawi),
they will not get their monthly food rations, the miracle of Saddam, which=
is
keeping the Iraqi people out of starvation.
Under these elections, Iraqis had two choices, lose your card (Saddam's ol=
d
food-distribution cards) and starve, or go out and vote for the fraudulent
elections. About 3 million Iraqis were forced to venture out of their homes=
to
vote in the mid of violence. It is this violence that will keep Allawi and
his masters in their positions. These are truly =E2=80=9Chistoric election=
s=E2=80=9D for the
US dream of =E2=80=9Cspreading democracy=E2=80=9D.
Contrary to western media, the elations were a sham and most Iraqis
boycotted them. Heavily fortified polling centres were deserted and street=
s empty as
Iraqis stayed home on Sunday, too frightened or angry to vote in these
elections. Over 40 percent of the Iraqi population live in the four provin=
ces that
boycoted the US-crafted elections and rejected the Occupation. Furthermore=
,
according to Al-jazeera, =E2=80=9Cvoter turnout in Baghdad was poor, espec=
ially in the
al-Yarmuk, al-Amiriya, and al-Adhamiya districts - the main population
centres in central and western Baghdad=E2=80=9D. The same was in Samarra, =
a city of
200,000 people.
The Geneva-based International Organisation for Migration (IOM) revealed
that of the 4 million Iraqis living outside Iraq, only 280,303 people regi=
stered
to vote. Imagine what the numbers are like inside Iraq. =E2=80=9CIt was ha=
rd to
describe the vote as legitimate, when whole portions of the country can't =
vote
and doesn't vote=E2=80=9D, Democrat Senator John Kerry, warned. In a word,=
the
elections were illegitimate and do not represent the Iraqi people. Peoples=
of the
West, and particularly, the American people should be ashamed of this trav=
esty
of democracy imposed on other peoples in their name.
Staged elections are not new. They are =E2=80=9Cdemonstration elections=E2=
=80=9D and have
been around for a long period of time. From Vietnam in the 1960s to the re=
cent
Afghanistan elections. =E2=80=9CThe purpose of these elections - crafted b=
y the US -
was to persuade US citizens and especially Congress that we were invading
these countries and supporting a savage war against government opponents a=
t the
invitation of a legitimate, freely elected government. The main purpose of=
a
demonstration election is to legitimise an invasion and occupation, not to
choose a new government=E2=80=9D, wrote Edward Herman and Frank Brodhead.
For the Americans, =E2=80=9Cwhat happens before or after the elections con=
cerns them
not one iota. What matters is that the elections become a good PR exercise
for the Bush administration=E2=80=9D, Wamid Nadhim of Baghdad University t=
old Al-Ahram
Weekly. Furthermore, these elections are also seen as an excuse for Tony
Blair and other =E2=80=9Ccoalition of the willing=E2=80=9D leaders to justi=
fy their support for
Washington=E2=80=99s illegal war of aggression and occupation.
Like the war, these staged elections are illegal and against Iraq=E2=80=99=
s
interests. Peoples in the =E2=80=9Ccivilised=E2=80=9D world should reject t=
hese elections, demand
the immediate withdraw of US forces from Iraq and the liberation of the Ir=
aqi
people.
If George Bush is smart enough, he can use these =E2=80=9Chistoric electio=
ns=E2=80=9D, as
an =E2=80=9Cexit strategy=E2=80=9D, and withdraws his army from Iraq. The =
Iraqi people will
remember the elections that guaranteed them freedom and liberty from forei=
gn
occupation.
Ghali Hassan lives in Perth Western Australia. He can be reached at e-mail=
:
G.Hassan@exchange.curtin.edu.au
--__--__--
Message: 7
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2005 16:43:55 -0700
To: peaceandjustice@lists.riseup.net
From: IRC Communications <communications@DELETETHISirc-online.org>
Subject: [Peace&Justice] Future of Iraq & U.S. Occupation
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Peace and Justice News from IRC
http://www.irc-online.org
January 31, 2005
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
After the Election
The following is an excerpt from a presentation by Noam Chomsky on January
26th at a forum sponsored by the Lannan Foundation in Santa Fe, NM to
celebrate the 25th anniversary of the International Relations Center (IRC),
online at www.irc-online.org Chomsky is a member of the IRC's board of
directors.
The Future of Iraq and U.S. Occupation
By Noam Chomsky
Let's just imagine what the policies might be of an independent Iraq - [an]
independent, sovereign Iraq, let's say more or less democratic - what are
the policies likely to be?
There's going to be a Shiite majority so they'll have some significant
influence over policy. The first thing they'll do is reestablish relations
with Iran. Now they don't particularly like Iran, but they don't want to go
to war with them so they'll move toward what was happening already even
under Saddam, that is, restoring some sort of friendly relations with Iran.
That's the last thing the United States wants. It has worked very hard to
try to isolate Iran. The next thing that might happen is that a
Shiite-controlled, more or less democratic Iraq might stir up feelings in
the Shiite areas of Saudi Arabia, which happen to be right nearby and which
happen to be where all the oil is. So you might find what in Washington
must be the ultimate nightmare--a Shiite region which controls most of the
world's oil and is independent. Furthermore, an independent Iraq is very
likely that an independent sovereign Iraq would try to take its natural
place as a leading state in the Arab world, maybe the leading state. And
you know that's something that goes back to Biblical times.
See complete article online at:
http://www.irc-online.org/content/chomsky/2005chomsky-iraq.php
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Interhemispheric Resource Center is proud to announce that in conjunction
with our 25th anniversary, we have changed our name to International
Relations Center. Please visit our website at www.irc-online.org to see our
new logo and check back in the coming months as we begin the integration
and improvement of all of our program and project websites. As
International Relations Center (IRC) we remain committed to our mission of:
working to make the U.S. a more responsible member of the global community
by promoting progressive strategic dialogues that lead to new citizen-based
agendas.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Produced and distributed by International Relations Center (IRC). For more
information visit: http://www.irc-online.org.
If you would like to add a name to the "What's New At FPIF or IRC?"
specific region or topic list, please email: communications@irc-online.org
wiith "subscribe" and giving your area of interest.
To add your name to this list, send a blank email to:
peaceandjustice-subscribe@lists.riseup.net. To unsubscribe, send a blank
email to: peaceandjustice-unsubscribe@lists.riseup.net.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
International Relations Center (IRC)
(formerly Interhemispheric Resource Center)
http://www.irc-online.org/
Siri D. Khalsa
Communications Coordinator
Email: communications@irc-online.org
--__--__--
Message: 8
From: "Dirk Adriaensens" <dirk.adriaensens@DELETETHISskynet.be>
To: <casi-analysis@lists.casi.org.uk>, <iac-discussion@lists.riseup.net>
Subject: E.A.Khammas: stories from refugee camps part 2
Date: Fri, 28 Jan 2005 16:08:00 +0100
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
here's part 2 of the stories of Eman Ahmed Khammas. It was originally publi=
shed at www.brusselstribunal.org.
In solidarity.
Dirk.
Part 2
Refugee Camps in Ahmad bin Hashim and Rahaliya villages
Eman Ahmad Khammas
We were supposed to leave to Karabla'a, and from there to two Falluja refug=
ee camps deep in the western desert, at 7 am, but Ahmad who insisted on acc=
ompanying us for protection, showed up at 9.00am. I was impatient.
-"I had to stay with my family for awhile; there were American snipers on m=
y roof" he explained.
-What?!!
He told me the story. His wife went up the roof to check the water tank at =
4.30am. For the last three days there was no water in Baghdad. Families fil=
l their water tanks at night when water is available some times. It was sti=
ll dark. On the roof, she was taking another ladder to go up the attic roof=
, when she heard a "shshshsh ." sound. Stunned, she looked in its direction=
, she could not figure out what was there, then she realized that there was=
a man, an American soldier, heavily armed, pointing his gun at her. Anothe=
r voice, whispering, came from the other side of the roof, this time it was=
another soldier, a black one. He said some thing in English and the first =
soldier put his gun down. He waved to her to go down silently. She did, but=
she did not know what to do next. She decided to wait for a while. Half an=
hour later she went up again, they were gone. When she waked up her husban=
d she was still shivering, it took him two hours to calm her down.
Eid?!!
This is the second day of Eid Aladha (Sacrifice Feast)*. There were not any=
of the usual Eid manifestations in Baghdad streets, no children in new col=
orful dresses, no traffic jam of jubilant families celebrating Eid, visitin=
g relatives and friends, going to parks.etc. The streets were almost empty,=
except for few quickly driving cars, Iraqi National Guards pick ups, fille=
d with young men in black masks pointing their guns in every direction, pol=
ice cars and a very long line of American big trucks loaded with tanks and =
many humvees and armored vehicles heading north. The streets themselves we=
re not of Baghdad that we knew. Sand barriers, cement blocks, burned out an=
d destroyed buildings, with many elections posters pasted every where. Dr.I=
ntisar, my friend, the pharmacist with whom I am working on donating medici=
nes and aids for Falluja refugees, was weeping silently as usual. I remembe=
red that Christmas and New Year celebrations were canceled too. This is the=
election season, which is in Iraq very different from any where else; it i=
s also the season of extreme insecurity
On the Way
On the way, through what is called now the Triangle of death south of Baghd=
ad, the situation was worse. Too long queues at the check points, even long=
er queues at fuel stations, many ING pick ups stopping at the road sides, =
too serious masked men jump quickly and run in different directions, obviou=
sly on a dangerous duty. Some of them were at the check points handing ove=
r elections announcements, many burned or destroyed cars, walls covered wi=
th bullet shot holes . One of the buildings in Haswa was flattened to the g=
round; a new neighboring building was thickly surrounded by 2 meter high sa=
nd barriers." This is the new police station "Abu Hussein, our driver said =
"the other one was exploded by cooking gas tubes". He is from Najaf, and he=
works on this line long enough to be well-known at the check points. Some =
times we were delayed for an American patrol to pass
Different kind of Refugees
Mr. Mohannad Al-Kinany, the Iraqi Human Rights director, with all other mem=
bers, happily volunteered to help us around again. We told him that we want=
to see the Falluja refugee camps and the refugees from the south too. He e=
xplained to us the story of the southern refugees and how badly they are in=
need of help. Karbala'a population is around 790.000 thousands, he said, n=
ow they are 1.050.000. Over 200.000 refugees came since the 1990s, from Bas=
ra, Nasiriya, the marshes, Amara, and Samawa, over 70.000 came after the oc=
cupation in 2003. "It is a big problem that no one is taking care of". Thes=
e refugee communities have become a fertile ground for crime. We decided to=
spend the next day in these places.
Ahmad bin Hashim
On the way to Ahmad bin Hashim village (ABH) we passed by Ein Tamor camp, t=
o greet them for the Eid and to give them the medicines that they asked for=
two weeks ago when we visited them last time.
Ahmad bin Hashim is the name of a grandson of Imam Mosa Al-Kadhim or Imam A=
l-Hassan (both are of the 12 imams in Islam who are descendants of the Prop=
het Mohammad family). It has been a sacred place where people visit to get =
the blessings in a kind of pilgrimage. It is a very beautiful calm village =
west of Razzaza lake. The villagers built rows of big rooms for pilgrims co=
ming from far away places. These rooms are now the Falluja refugee camps
Cultural Crime
Near ABH there is also an unexcavated historical site that goes back to ab=
out 4000 years. It was protected by the Iraqi police and the Tourism State =
Institute before the occupation. Mohannad told us that this very culturally=
precious site was looted after the invasion, and that the Iraqi HRW in Kar=
bala'a has documented everything on tapes. He told us how looters attacked =
the place, dug the tombs and stole what ever was buried there of historical=
jewelry, beads and household properties... The place is buried again now b=
y tons of sand for protection, we could see the large freshly covered area =
on the foot of a big castle called the Berthaweel Castle in the middle of t=
he desert
Roofed Walls
There are 18 Falluja families living in the ABH pilgrims' rooms. The majori=
ty of them were from Jolan district in Falluja, which was heavily bombed la=
st October. As expected, there is no electricity, no clean water, to bathro=
oms in the pilgrim's rooms. Mohannad who owns a hotel in Karbala'a offered =
his hotel free to these families, but they preferred to stay near the shrin=
e. Ten other hotel owners in Karbala'a did the same. These relatively wealt=
hy people and others formed a group called the Karbala'i Group to collect a=
nd donate aid to the Falluja refugees here and in other places. It is anoth=
er example of the Iraqi people unity between Shiite and Sunnis.
The rooms are very primitive, just roofed walls. Falluja women kept them ve=
ry clean and tidy, although the rooms were used for sleeping, cooking, wash=
ing and living. The most needed thing here is medical. The sick and the old=
are most hurt, and of course women because they have to run everything in =
this too difficult environment.
Abdulrahman Khalaf, for example, suffers from chronic schizophrenia that go=
es back to his years in the Iranian POW camps in the 1980s. He is married, =
has 6 children, and very friendly. His only abnormality is repeating himsel=
f many times.
-"I am the honored one, I am the honored one, I am the honored one, I am th=
e..." He repeated at least 8 times, replying to Sami of the Iraqi HRW when =
he said "I am honored to meet you".
He was repeating the number 50, tens of times. I felt so ashamed of myself =
when I thought he was asking for $50, because his relatives explained that =
he needs Modicate injections/50 m, and that was what he was asking me. They=
showed me his chronic diseases card; he used to get his medications from F=
alluja hospital free, as all Iraqis who have chronic illnesses used to in t=
he past. Not any longer. I promised to bring him the medicine as soon as I =
can get them from Baghdad
Solution rather than Aid
Aalaa' Hussein, 6 years, suffers from hemiplegia; She looks ok except for h=
er left leg which was shorter and slack. Naufa Hamza, awoman in her70s, suf=
fers from joints pain. Tilba Ali, another old woman who does not know her a=
ge, 60 or 70, she said, suffers from diabetes. Sahira Ali, 35, suffers from=
hormone abnormality; she keeps on getting fatter and fatter. She also suff=
ers from chronic diarrhea, "because of the water" she explained. Dr.Intisar=
saw them all and promised to send the medicines. Ahmad was busy giving the=
children some toys donated by the American Families for Peace delegation. =
I tried to take some pictures of the children, but a young tall man, dashed=
in, and threatened to beat one of the young girls who joined the others fo=
r the picture
"What kind of help is this, just for the media, I know your kind" he was ta=
lking to me.
"I understand your feelings very well" I replied, and did not take the pict=
ure. "Please do not beat her, here is my camera, I did not take the picture=
". He left silently, giving me a very angry look.
Other men apologized, and invited us for lunch.
UN Silence Unacceptable
I did understand his feelings; at many times I feel the bitter humiliation =
these people feel. They do need aid, but what they need more is a solution =
to their problem. They are not beggars. They used to have their houses, job=
s, lives and every thing. May be they were not rich, but they were dignifie=
d. Everyone said that they want to go back to Falluja. This is a big human =
rights violation that must be investigated, accounted for, and compensated.=
International organizations, especially the UN, should give this problem t=
he utmost priority. The occupation is responsible for their misery. Silence=
, justifications, excuses are totally unacceptable. All the human rights, p=
olitical, medical, law, journalists, teachers..organizations all over the w=
orld should not keep silent to these crimes
Rahaliya Refugee Camps
Rahaliya is a village on the borders of Anbar. Mohannad told us that there =
are at least 150 families here. I realized that I am in a big problem. I ca=
n hardly cover 30 families
, and by covering I mean giving them a gift for Eid Al-Adha. We decided to=
visit 3 camps where there are many families. There were two schools and a =
clinic where such camps are, again promising ourselves and the others to tr=
y to come back. In the first school, Al-Waha Al-Khadra (the Green Oasis) wh=
ich is a boys' high school, 15 Falluja families live, each one(or more) in =
a class room, the teachers', and the director's. The director's story is in=
teresting. When the refugees came last summer, he decided to give them the =
school except his room where he kept the files, books and documents. In the=
last minute a woman came with her children, she had no place to stay in, h=
e gave her the room. The school time table is still hanging on her stove, t=
he books piled under the mattresses. The desks are piled in the unpaved yar=
d, on which children clothes are hanged now to dry.
-"What about the students?!" was my question.
-" there are no schools in all the cities of the Anbar governorates this ye=
ar, the students just had mid-year exam formally, the boys in the yard and =
the girls in one class room"
-"what about other schools?" I insisted
-" it is the same in the majority of Anbar schools". Children gathered near=
the desks pretending to be very polite to get Ahmad's toys. Their naughty =
eyes exposed every thing. Sami, Dr Intisar and Ahmad were very happy with t=
hem, asking for more and more pictures.
Beida'a, Iqbal, Amaal, Sajida, Haala, Montaha, Aziza, Um Sofian, Sundos... =
and others were young women and mothers running the camp. They were heroine=
s, simply, doing an extraordinarily amazing job keeping life going on as sm=
oothly as possible. Cleaning, cooking, making fires, washing, baking bread,=
and taking care of the children. But Sami was unhappy. He asked Sundos who=
was a teacher" why did not you open a class for these children?" she was e=
mbarrassed, "this is a good idea", she replied" I will think about it"
When Sajida talked, dr.Intisar could not help her tears. Sajida is a very b=
eautiful girl in her early 20s. She suffers from some kind of brain damage =
that made it difficult for her to speak normally. She lives in a room with =
her mother who sells petty things on the street side. Thier room was destro=
yed. Sajida made a great effort to tell us how her glass dishes, cups and o=
ther small belongings were smashed
Medical Needs
I asked Ghazi Mnachid, an assistant doctor in Rahaliya clinic about the sit=
uation. "Very bad" was his reply, "we need medicines" and he gave me a long=
list of most needed medicines. The majority were children's. Cold, fever, =
antibiotics, skin, intestinal worms.etc. The most dangerous thing is that t=
here are no vaccines in the clinic. This village is in danger of a health c=
atastrophe if this problem is not solved soon.
All the women agreed that the bathroom is most difficult thing. The toilets=
were more than 50 meters away from the nearest class room; mothers have to=
take children all this distance in the cold at night. With no electricity,=
no water, no fuel, it is almost a miracle that women can manage to take ca=
re of the children, and keep so clean and tidy rooms. "You should see the w=
ell we dug behind the school, you would not believe it" Iqbal Abdulla , 29,=
a mother of 5, said. Some times women go to a brook outside the village to=
wash in cleaner water
Night in the Camp
"It is almost 5" Mohannad said, "we need to go back to Karbala'a now, it is=
becoming too dangerous now"
"I am staying here. I need to listen to these women, I need to see how they=
live here" I said. Dr. Intisar, Ahmad and Sami exchanged glances. Dr.Intis=
ar pulled my arm and took me a side "these people can barely manage their f=
ood and supplies, you are embarrassing them". Falluja people are well-known=
for their extreme hospitality; they would do any thing to make the guest c=
omfortable. Actually there are many jokes on there almost illogical hospita=
lity. We had some food, but we know that it is almost a crime even to show =
your food while you are in a Falluja house. I know that Dr.Intisar was righ=
t.
"I can just put my head on my arm and sleep, I do not need any thing, you g=
o if you want" I insisted again. Sami was the first to approve and support.
"I am not leaving you alone here" Dr. Intisar said. Ahmad and the driver ha=
d nothing else to say.
We decided to go to the clinic first, then to visit the Refugee houses. We=
had plenty of time to talk.
"Dinner is going to be here" said Mohammad Abdulla, a taxi driver who is un=
employed now.
"No, dinner is at my place" Ghazi objected, referring to the clinic camp.
"Listen, we are here to work, let us finish the job, and then see what we c=
an do about dinner invitations" I said.
The Clinic
Many men gathered to talk to us in the Diwaniya (guest room for men). Beaut=
iful mattresses and pillows were layed on the ground for us to sit on.
"Why do not you ask the women to join us?" I asked, although I know that wo=
men do not share such men gathering in Falluja. "May be you can talk to the=
m later" replied Ggazi.
They began to tell their stories. The houses which were bombed, burnt, loot=
ed and occupied.
"What do mean by occupied" I asked the speaker.
"Our house is occupied now by the American troops, it is now a headquarter =
for one battalion"
"Which one?"
"I do not know. But the Iraqis are down stairs and the Americans are on the=
second floor. Actually they took the neighboring house too, and opened the=
wall between the two houses. It is not a house any more. It is surrounded =
by barbed wires, the aerials on the roof; we can not even go near"
"What did you do?"
"I went to them; I asked them to give me back my house, an Iraqi captain sa=
id this is impossible, I asked what am I going to do, he replied: go wherev=
er you want to go. My mother does not want to give up. She goes there every=
day; sits in front of the house til the afternoon, just looking at her hou=
se."
Another man sitting in the room laughed and said" prepare your self, you ar=
e going to be arrested tomorrow"
-"are there any foreigners fighting in Falluja?
-"even if there are, how do we know! They do not go around saying we are fo=
reign fighters. The majority are Fallujans defending their houses. Many of =
them were killed guarding their homes. There are bodies till now in some pl=
aces like Alqudoos mosque, many injured people were shot in the head, and f=
ew injured people were left. Falluja smells very bad
Living in a Barn
The other man lives in a cow barn now. There is a store room in the barn th=
at he sleeps in with his family, a wife and 6 children. The room was dim, w=
et and smelling bad. Again the main problem for the wife was the toilet for=
the children, especially at night. This man went to Falluja the day before=
, he went on a wrong road mistakenly, his car was shot but he was not injur=
ed. A tank approached and hit his car from the back. The soldiers told him =
to get down; they tied his hands, put a sac on his head and took him throug=
h a zigzag road. They investigated him for two hours, then let him go.
"Why did not you ask them to pay for repairing the car?" I asked..
"I wanted to run away as soon as possible, I was afraid that they are going=
to arrest me again"
Abid Awad Sheilam, a driver in his 50s, is a father of a family of 12. They=
live in an unfinished house structure whose owner let them to use, but Abi=
d had to put a roof for one of the room. He did, using date palm trunk and =
leaves and a tent donated by Rahaliya mosque sheikh
Iraq Smell
"Oh, this smell!" Sami said, taking a deep breath, while we were entering =
the roofless house. It was a typical Iraqi farm smell, a mixture of smoke, =
fresh bread being baked, fire, thick green plantations, and dust. It was no=
t dark yet, there were few deep red lines still hanging in the sky, dog bar=
king in the distance. Abid's daughter was preparing the traditional Iraqi f=
ire place, manqala. There were two empty water barrels.
"How do you get water?" I asked
"Water tank car comes some times and fill the barrels, now the driver says =
he has no gasoline, we have to pay him to come again"
Shiha, Abid's 98 year old mother, was deaf and blind. She kept on kissing A=
hmad, Dr. Intisar and Sami, and cursing Bush for preventing her of going ba=
ck to Falluja. There was no door, just a sheet of cloth. Another sheet trad=
itionally embroidered "In the Name of God, the most Gracious, and the most =
merciful". The family told us how their house in Jolan was shot, how the fu=
rniture was destroyed. Strangely enough, every body we met told us how thei=
r glass and porcelain buffet were smashed. The American soldiers must have =
fun smashing these things.
Sami told the family how he spent 20 years in the US, how his friends were =
crying in the good by party, how they asked him to tell the Iraqi people th=
at they have nothing to do with killing the Iraqis and occupying their coun=
try.
Sami asked Lina, 15, one of Abid's daughters:" If I were an American soldie=
r what would you want to tell me?"
"Get out of my country"
"and if I were a civilian American coming as a guest?"
"I would say you are welcome, you can stay"
"for how long?"
"As long as you need"
Abid said we thank the American people who reject the war. Isam, a neighbor=
in his 30s, a graduate of electricity institute, but studying to be a teac=
her now, said the resistance is legal, as far as there is occupation people=
resist. We do not want to be humiliated. We do not want them (the American=
) to be humiliated. But they did not suffer as we did.
Mohammad Kreidi, is 85, he lives with his 4 sons and there families in one =
house. He can barely feel what is going on around him, he was dying. Dawood=
Obeid is 73, he suffers from muscles atrophy, and he lives in another hous=
e with his 15 daughters and sons..
We had to go back to the school camp. The women have baked fresh bread, coo=
ked dinner and were waiting for us.
Back to the school
It was very dark in the school, the oil lamps can hardly help in the big cl=
ass rooms, neither the fading embers, or the kerosene heaters which were se=
nding suffocating smoke. It was getting very cold; obviously it was going t=
o rain. Dinner was a big meal, with meat, beans, rice, salad, potatoes, typ=
ical Falluja tea, black, sweet and hot, and even Eid cookies. The women hel=
ped us wash in warm water.
I was telling them how deeply impressed I am with the wonderful work they a=
re doing in the camp. Sundos said that 25 years of war taught us a lot. Her=
father was the first man to enter Falluja ten days after the October bombi=
ng was over." The decomposed bodies' smell was the most hideous thing "he s=
aid. Many people stayed in Falluja because they did not imagine that it was=
going to be so notorious, and because they had no place to go to. Some are=
still under the rubbles till now. Many houses and shops were looted, even =
after the bombing stopped. Sundos and her mother tried to go back to Falluj=
a; they found a 20 kilometer queue of cars.
The American soldiers were using obscene words, if some body objected they =
beat and arrest him. One soldier near the new bridge was repeating "Haush ,=
Baa' .Haush, Baa'"(calling the people cows and sheep).
When we went to the toilet we realized what the women were talking about. I=
t was already raining, we had to cross the unpaved yard to the toilet which=
was dark, blocked, and there was no water. The drain was open, sending ver=
y bad smell. Dr. Intisar was furious; she gave the men hard words for leavi=
ng the drain open, jeopardizing the children lives and every body's health.
The night was noisy with foxes and wolves howl. We had to leave early in th=
e morning. It was colder and the still raining heavily. We had other kind o=
f refugee camps to visit and write about. Sami had to attend a training cou=
rse in the Iraqi HRW office, as a facilitator. It is a course suggested by =
the Christian Peacemakers Team, an organization which has been working in I=
raq for more than two years. This training course is about creating an Isla=
mic Peacemakers Team.
I am supposed to write now about the Karbala'a refugee camps, the 200.000 t=
housands refugees on the outskirts of the city. But this story is already v=
ery long, the new one is different and my computer battery is running out=
in few minutes.
*Many of the names mentioned here are not real. The people are.
*Aladha Eid is connected to Mecca pilgrimage. God ordered Prophet Abraham i=
n Mecca to slaughter his son, when he was about to do it, God sent him a ra=
m to slaughter instead of his son. In this Eid Moslems slaughter sheep and =
feed the poor, and to celebrate the Mecca pilgrimage.
Eman Ahmed Kmammas was a journalist with, and was co-director of Occupation=
Watch (that doesn't exist anymore in Iraq) , a translator, and advised the=
Code Pink Delegation on Iraqi women's issues during January 24 - February =
4, 2004.
[ ABH2.JPG of type image/jpeg removed by lists.casi.org.uk -
attachments are not permitted on the CASI lists ]
[ ABH4.JPG of type image/jpeg removed by lists.casi.org.uk -
attachments are not permitted on the CASI lists ]
[ ABH5.JPG of type image/jpeg removed by lists.casi.org.uk -
attachments are not permitted on the CASI lists ]
[ ABH6.JPG of type image/jpeg removed by lists.casi.org.uk -
attachments are not permitted on the CASI lists ]
--__--__--
Message: 9
Date: Sat, 29 Jan 2005 18:21:36 +0000 (GMT)
From: The Iraq Solidarity Campaign <mcr_coalition@DELETETHISyahoo.co.uk>
Reply-To: MCR_Coalition@yahoo.co.uk
Subject: Leaked document confirm plans to restore Baath-style dictatorship in Iraq
To: mcr_coalition@yahoo.co.uk
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
Leaked document confirm plans to restore Baath-style dictatorship in Iraq
28.1.05
According to an apparently genuine document, received by IDAO on Thursday, =
the US-appointed government of Ayyad Allawi is bent on restoring Baath-styl=
e dictatorship in Iraq.
Signed by General Taleb Al-Hamadani, 'overall coordinator for security matt=
ers' for Ayyad Allawi, and addressed to Allawi, he appears to comment on an=
other discussion document circulated within the Ayyad Allawi government and=
suggesting full restoration of the Baath party in Iraq. While advocating c=
aution to stem "international opposition" to such move, General Al-Hamadani=
nevertheless supports the return of leading Baathist to government and cit=
es measures to ensure that "those belonging to other parties are excluded f=
rom military and security institutions", in effect advocating a dictatorshi=
p in Iraq.Click for a scanned copy of the document.
The US seems to sponsor such moves, by which the US occupation authorities =
are happy to allow an election process that does not threaten their plans f=
or Iraq but rather encourage it by providing legitimacy to the emergence of=
new dictatorship in Iraq on the model of other Arab states. Most indicatio=
ns are that the elections will be fixed to allow Ayyad Allawi, himself a le=
ading Baathist in the past, to return to government, ensuring continued US =
hegemony on Iraq's oil and its politics.
When the 'elections' process is passed on Sunday without real change to the=
status quo, the focus will return for a time-table to end the occupation a=
nd the corruption it has brought with it, for security and real democracy t=
o the Iraqi people. The extent to which those Iraqi forces interested in de=
mocracy and an end to the occupation, who certainly represent the majority =
of Iraqi people, can unit on a common program, will shape the future of Ira=
q and prevent dictatorship and the threat of civil war.
The Iraq Solidarity Campaign
---------------------------------
How much mail storage do you get for free? Yahoo! Mail gives you 250MB! Ge=
t Yahoo! Mail
--__--__--
Message: 10
Date: Sun, 30 Jan 2005 20:56:04 +0000
Subject: Iraq's 'Bloody Sunday'.
From: "farbuthnot" <asceptic@DELETETHISfreenetname.co.uk>
To: casi-analysis@lists.casi.org.uk
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
=A0 =A0e =A0
=A0Published on Sunday, January 30, 2005 by the San Francisco Chronicle
Imposing Democracy on the World
Uneasy Parallels Between Bloody Sunday and U.S. Occupation of Iraq
by Peter O'Neill
=A0
Iraqis go to the polls today in an imposed civics lesson on democracy,
courtesy of President George W. Bush. Few are betting on its success.
Today also marks the 33rd anniversary of a tragedy with disturbing parallel=
s
to those in Iraq -- Bloody Sunday, when members of the British Parachute
Regiment gunned down 14 unarmed civil-rights marchers in Derry, Northern
Ireland.
I was there that day, just two weeks after I turned 18, and I saw and heard
the slaughter up close. Ten of the victims were shot within 20 yards of
where I lay, trembling with fear, behind a 3-foot wall.
A committed pacifist before Bloody Sunday, overnight I, like many others wh=
o
belonged to the North's Catholic minority, became a supporter of militant
Irish republicanism and of its right to bear arms against the British Army.
At the very least, Bloody Sunday was the result of poor political judgment.
An outbreak of civil-rights marches in Northern Ireland -- patterned after
those that the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. had led in America -- had angere=
d
hawks in the government of Edward Heath, then prime minister of Britain.
They urged a tough line against the marchers, and Heath heeded their call.
Thus the Parachute Regiment, one of the most lethal in the British Army, wa=
s
sent that Sunday into a situation that required negotiation, not brute
force. Bedlam resulted, and Northern Ireland fell apart.
It took nearly three decades of needless death, but finally the British
government and its nemesis, the Irish Republican Army, began to work for
real peace in Northern Ireland. While there have been setbacks, I believe
the peace process eventually will prevail, if for no other reason than that
all now agree on the futility of pursuing a military victory.
If only British Prime Minister Tony Blair, along with Bush, had applied suc=
h
lessons to Iraq. That dire situation is the result of the poorly thought-
out policies from arrogant politicians who failed to understand what any
student of Northern Ireland's "troubles" could have told them: Without
careful preparation, an occupying force likely will become the insurgents'
greatest recruiting tool. Early in the occupation, a tragedy not unlike
Bloody Sunday helped make sure this would be the case in Iraq.
Late in April of 2003, U.S. troops who had just commandeered a school opene=
d
fire on demonstrators, killing 16 civilians and wounding 75. At the time, I
had visions of young Iraqis lining up to join the fight against occupation,
just as Irish youths had after Bloody Sunday. We now know this was exactly
what happened. And the place where the killing occurred -- Fallujah --
became such a hotbed of Iraqi insurgency that Marines have all but razed th=
e
town.
Even today, the story of Bloody Sunday has not ended. Britain had tried to
close the book quickly, by means of the official inquiry of Lord Widgery,
serving as the most senior British jurist at the time. But his report, whic=
h
excused the shooters and blamed the victims, came to be so discredited that
in 1998, Blair ordered a new inquiry. Seven years, 900 witnesses, and $290
million later, the commission headed by Lord Saville adjourned. Few hold ou=
t
hope that its report, expected sometime this year, will expose the leaders
who sent the paratroopers to Derry.
That, too, is not unlike what is taking place in Iraq. American troops are
sacrificing their lives on account of the sins of hawkish politicians and
armchair generals who thought little of starting a war for which they were
ill- equipped. Overworked soldiers are being asked to perform jobs they wer=
e
not trained to do. It is they who are prosecuted when things go wrong --
when prisoners are abused or unarmed civilians killed -- while the
Rumsfelds, Wolfowitzes and Bushes of this world continue to act without fea=
r
of judicial rebuke.
It is the lesson of Bloody Sunday that, from Fallujah to Nasiriyah, from
Mosul to Baghdad, we can expect violence every day that foreign troops
remain on Iraq's soil. We can hope for no positive change without a full
withdrawal of coalition forces -- a solution called for this week by Sen.
Edward M. Kennedy, D-Mass., and Rep. Lynn Woolsey, D-Petaluma -- so that
Iraqis may take the lead in their own affairs. Based on Bush's second
inaugural address, however, we can look only to four more years of unlearne=
d
and ineffective policy. And so we can muster no optimism about today's
elections in Iraq.
Peter O'Neill is a Ph.D. candidate in literature at the University of
Southern California in Los Angeles and a survivor of Bloody Sunday.
=A9 2005 San Francisco Chronicle
###
=A0
=A0 =A0FAIR USE NOTICE =A0
=A0
--__--__--
Message: 11
From: "Dirk Adriaensens" <dirk.adriaensens@DELETETHISskynet.be>
To: <anti-allawi-group@yahoogroups.com>, <iac-discussion@lists.riseup.net>,
<casi-analysis@lists.casi.org.uk>
Subject: Re: FT article
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2005 17:56:35 +0100
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
** Dahr Jamail's Iraq Dispatches **
** http://dahrjamailiraq.com **
January 31, 2005
Some Just Voted for Food
Inter Press Service
Dahr Jamail
*BAGHDAD, Jan 31 (IPS) - Voting in Baghdad was linked with receipt of
food rations, several voters said after the Sunday poll.*
Many Iraqis said Monday that their names were marked on a list provided
by the government agency that provides monthly food rations before they
were allowed to vote.
"I went to the voting centre and gave my name and district where I lived
to a man," said Wassif Hamsa, a 32-year-old journalist who lives in the
predominantly Shia area Janila in Baghdad. "This man then sent me to the
person who distributed my monthly food ration."
Mohammed Ra'ad, an engineering student who lives in the Baya'a district
of the capital city reported a similar experience.
Ra'ad, 23, said he saw the man who distributed monthly food rations in
his district at his polling station. "The food dealer, who I know
personally of course, took my name and those of my family who were
voting," he said. "Only then did I get my ballot and was allowed to vote."
"Two of the food dealers I know told me personally that our food rations
would be withheld if we did not vote," said Saeed Jodhet, a 21-year-old
engineering student who voted in the Hay al-Jihad district of Baghdad.
There has been no official indication that Iraqis who did not vote would
not receive their monthly food rations.
Many Iraqis had expressed fears before the election that their monthly
food rations would be cut if they did not vote. They said they had to
sign voter registration forms in order to pick up their food supplies.
Their experiences on the day of polling have underscored many of their
concerns about questionable methods used by the U.S.-backed Iraqi
interim government to increase voter turnout.
Just days before the election, 52 year-old Amin Hajar who owns an auto
garage in central Baghdad had said: "I'll vote because I can't afford to
have my food ration cut...if that happened, me and my family would
starve to death."
Hajar told IPS that when he picked up his monthly food ration recently,
he was forced to sign a form stating that he had picked up his voter
registration. He had feared that the government would use this
information to track those who did not vote.
Calls to the Independent Electoral Commission for Iraq (IECI) and to the
Ministry of Trade, which is responsible for the distribution of the
monthly food ration, were not returned.
Other questions have arisen over methods to persuade people to vote.
U.S. troops tried to coax voters in Ramadi, capital city of the al-Anbar
province west of Baghdad to come out to vote, AP reported.
IECI officials have meanwhile 'downgraded' their earlier estimate of
voter turnout.
IECI spokesman Farid Ayar had declared a 72 percent turnout earlier, a
figure given also by the Bush Administration.
But at a press conference Ayar backtracked on his earlier figure, saying
the turnout would be nearer 60 percent of registered voters.
The earlier figure of 72 percent, he said, was "only guessing" and "just
an estimate" that had been based on "very rough, word of mouth estimates
gathered informally from the field." He added that it will be some time
before the IECI can issue accurate figures on the turnout.
"Percentages and numbers come only after counting and will be announced
when it's over," he said. "It is too soon to say that those were the
official numbers."
Where there was a large turnout, the motivation behind the voting and
the processes both appeared questionable. The Kurds up north were voting
for autonomy, if not independence. In the south and elsewhere Shias were
competing with Kurds for a bigger say in the 275-member national assembly.
In some places like Mosul the turnout was heavier than expected. But
many of the voters came from outside, and identity checks on voters
appeared lax. Others spoke of vote-buying bids.
The Bush Administration has lauded the success of the Iraq election, but
doubtful voting practices and claims about voter turnout are both mired
in controversy.
Election violence too was being seen differently across the political
spectrum.
More than 30 Iraqis, a U.S. soldier, and at least 10 British troops died
Sunday. Hundreds of Iraqis were also wounded in attacks across Baghdad,
in Baquba 50km northeast of the capital as well as in the northern
cities Mosul and Kirkuk.
The British troops were on board a C-130 transport plane that crashed
near Balad city just northwest of Baghdad. The British military has yet
to reveal the cause of the crash.
Despite unprecedented security measures in which 300,000 U.S. and Iraqi
security forces were brought in to curb the violence, nine suicide
bombers and frequent mortar attacks took a heavy toll in the capital
city, while strings of attacks were reported around the rest of the country.
As U..S. President George W. Bush saw it, "some Iraqis were killed while
exercising their rights as citizens."
_______________________________________________
More writing, photos and commentary at http://dahrjamailiraq.com
--__--__--
Message: 12
From: "Dirk Adriaensens" <dirk.adriaensens@DELETETHISskynet.be>
To: "Iraq tribunal info" <iraq-tribunal-info@lists.riseup.net>,
<iac-discussion@lists.riseup.net>, <anti-allawi-group@yahoogroups.com>,
<casI-analysis@lists.casi.org.uk>, <USQuagmire@yahoogroups.com>
Subject: Ghazwan from Baghdad: "The Election Was Shoved Down Our Throats"
Date: Mon, 31 Jan 2005 20:41:17 +0100
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
Monday, January 31st, 2005 http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=3D05/=
01/31/1517201
Iraqi in Baghdad: "The Election Was Shoved Down Our Throats"
Listen to Segment || Download Show mp3
Watch 128k stream Watch 256k stream Read Transcript
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deo/CD
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-----
To get an Iraqi perspective on the election, we go to Baghdad to speak with=
retired Iraqi engineer Ghazwan Al-Mukhtar. Mukhtar says, "What do I do wit=
h democracy? Does it allow me to walk across the street without being feare=
d of being kidnapped or being shot at or being mugged or being stolen? Woul=
d democracy feed my children? Would democracy allow me to quench my thirst?=
The U.S. has not done anything at all to improve the life of Iraqi people.=
" [includes rush transcript]
---------------------------------------------------------------------------=
-----
To get an Iraqi perspective on the elections we turn now to retired Iraqi e=
ngineer Ghazwan Al-Mukhtar. We have spoken to Ghazwan at key points during =
the invasion and occupation of Iraq. One the first anniversary of the invas=
ion, the first siege of Fallujah and the so-called transfer of sovereignty =
on June 28. Today we get his thoughts on the elections in Iraq. Just before=
the program, we reached Ghazwan Al Mukhtar at his home in Baghdad.
a.. Ghazwan Al-Mukhtar, retired Iraqi engineer.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------=
-----
RUSH TRANSCRIPT
This transcript is available free of charge, however donations help us prov=
ide closed captioning for the deaf and hard of hearing on our TV broadcast.=
Thank you for your generous contribution.
Donate - $25, $50, $100, more...
AMY GOODMAN: And this is Democracy Now! democracynow.org as we move from Ku=
rdistan back to Baghdad, to get response from retired Iraqi engineer Ghazwa=
n Al-Mukhtar. Throughout key points of the invasion and occupation we have =
checked in with him on the first anniversary of the invasion, on the siege =
of Fallujah, the so-called transfer of sovereignty on June 28. Today we get=
his thoughts on the elections. We reached him just before the program. Thi=
s is Ghazwan Al-Mukhtar at his home in Baghdad.
GHAZWAN AL-MUKHTAR: I do not believe that the election is legitimate, the e=
lection is held under the occupation. The occupying power has modified the =
basic rules in Iraq as to who is an Iraqi and who is not. The election was =
shoved down our throat because all the major parties, including Allawi's pa=
rty, requested that the election be postponed. That was in November. And be=
fore even the independent electoral commission could decide on the request,=
that President Bush said he does not want the election to be postponed and=
Ambassador Negroponte said, oddly enough, it came from Fallujah. He was in=
Fallujah, and declared that the elections will be held on the January 30. =
It is an Iraqi election, it is not a U.S. election, it is not Negroponte's =
election, it is the Iraqi people's election. So, if the Iraqi parties wante=
d to postpone the election, they should have been able to do so without the=
interference of the United States government.
Anyway, having done the election now, it was forced down our throat, a lot =
of people have boycotted it. The Sunnis have boycotted the elections. Some =
of the Shias boycotted it. Muktadar Al Sadr faction boycotted the election.=
Al Khalaf faction boycotted the election. There is a resistance to the occ=
upation in Iraq. This resistance stems from the fact that our life has been=
, for the last 22 months, deteriorating day and night and we have not seen =
any improvement in our condition for the last 22 months, nor that anything =
has been reconstructed. The telephone system is bad, the electricity is wor=
se, the security condition is worse. A lot of people are saying, why do I v=
ote? What does the government do for me? They did absolutely nothing. The s=
hocking thing is that the conditions after 22 months of occupation is a lot=
worse in every single aspect of life than with Saddam Hussein, after 12 ye=
ars of sanction.
While I'm talking to you I just heard two bombs exploding not too far from =
here. I did not vote and I will not vote to any one of those people who cam=
e on the back of the American banks. I do not see any change because there =
is no will to reconstruct anything. There is no will to improve the life of=
the Iraqis. It is going to take another two years and a lot of will. Mind =
you, in 1991, with the huge destruction in Iraq, we, the Iraqi people, desp=
ite the sanctions and with no help from anybody, we were able to restore th=
e electricity, we were able to restore the water, the sewage and in six mon=
ths we were able to rebuild the country in less than a year. Now that time =
has gone. The U.S. had 22 months occupation and they have not fixed a singl=
e thing in Iraq. We are still getting 2,000 to 2,200 calories on the ration=
system. We were told that Saddam Hussein was stealing our money both in th=
e palaces and keeping us poor and hungry. But now after 22 months, we are s=
till getting 2200 calories or sometimes less.
Halliburton -- we have added crisis right now of petrol, Iraq was an export=
ing country of diesel fuel and refined oil products. Since the occupation, =
we have been importing oil from Turkey. No one fixes the refineries. There =
is a huge queue of cars waiting to get oil or petrol. And the Congress, the=
U.S. Congress said in 2003, May 2003, seven out of 18 governmentals had mo=
re than 16 hours of electricity. Now we are getting two hours of electricit=
y right in Baghdad. I am lucky today, I have electricity from 7:00 to 9:00 =
and that is going to be all. Until late in the evening, maybe, I don't know=
when, I'll get the electricity.
So, all those factors will indicate that the people are discontent, the peo=
ple are resentful of the presence of the American forces, that the people a=
re dissatisfied with the occupation, because they have not seen any improve=
ment in their life. Unemployment is very high; it's at about 60%. People ar=
e starving. This is the basis for the resistance. It's not the Mussabu Al Z=
arqawi and Abu, I don't know who, or the terrorists coming from the outside=
of Iraq. It is the indigenous Iraqi resistance. While we were told that Sa=
ddam Hussein was torturing us, we are finding after 22 months that the Amer=
icans are torturing us, the British are torturing us, the Danish are tortur=
ing us and now we discover that the Iraqi forces, the ING is torturing us. =
So, instead of one having one torturer, now we have four torturers. And you=
want us to be happy with the election.
This reminds me of a story when Mary Antoinette, when she was told that the=
people did not have bread to eat. She said why don't they eat cake? We don=
't have anything and they tell us here it is democracy. Take democracy. Wha=
t do I do with democracy? Does it allow me to walk across right the street =
without being feared of being kidnapped or being shot at or being mugged or=
being stolen? Would democracy feed my children? Would democracy allow me t=
o quench my thirst? The U.S. has not done anything at all to improve the li=
fe of Iraqi people. And that is one of the reasons why you are seeing all t=
hose attacks.
AMY GOODMAN: Ghazwan Al-Mukhtar, a retired Iraqi engineer speaking from his=
home in Baghdad.
To purchase an audio or video copy of this entire program, click here for o=
ur new online ordering or call 1 (800) 881-2359.
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