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Today's Topics:
1. More about Halabja (CharlieChimp1@aol.com)
2. The Red Crescent and Coalition threats (CharlieChimp1@aol.com)
3. [Peace&Justice] Chomsky supports IRC, so should you (irc@irc-online.org)
4. Iraqi in Diaspora newsletter # 01/41221/casi (CASI moderator)
--__--__--
Message: 1
From: CharlieChimp1@DELETETHISaol.com
Date: Wed, 22 Dec 2004 16:17:02 EST
Subject: More about Halabja
To: newsclippings@casi.org.uk, arabmediawatch@yahoogroups.com
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
By Jude Wanniski
It seldom happens that I can report "news" to you, as opposed
to "news analysis," but in the last few hours I've received messages
from my Iraqi contact in London with important news that has not yet
made the world press. As most of you know, I have for the last two
years argued that whatever else Saddam Hussein did for good or ill
as Iraq's president since 1978, there is no evidence that he
committed genocide. That he "never gassed his own people," i.e., the
Iraqi Kurds, which has been an assertion that has been repeated so
often by President Bush, Vice President Cheney and the American
press that I'm sure 99.9% of the people believe it is gospel.
The news from Mohammed Al-Obaidi today is that the team prosecuting
Saddam for crimes against humanity has dropped the genocide
charge "due to insufficient evidence." Al-Obaidi assures me the news
is true, and if it is, we should be learning about it soon from the
news media. It will further complicate the administration's problems
in Iraq, as it had been relying on the genocide charge to
justify "regime change" in Baghdad when the other rationales - WMD
and Al Qaida connections - failed. I may be wrong, but if this turns
out to be true, it would be a positive development in resolving the
conflict in Iraq sooner, rather than later. Once the U.S. press
corps focuses on the issue, it would force President Bush to re-
examine his own assumptions about the rationale for unilateral
action and make it easier for him to shift gears toward greater
international involvement in resolving the several conflated issues
in the Middle East.
Here is the note I got from Al-Obaidi (who has been in exile in
London for 20 years and is no fan of Saddam, but who has been among
those who have insisted there was no genocide committed by his
regime).
Dear Jude: I have just been informed by Mr. Al-Khasawnah, Chief
lawyer of Saddam`s legal team, that after the Iraqi lawyer, Mr.
Khalil Al-Dulaimi met with Saddam a couple of days ago, the American
legal authority in Iraq informed the lawyer that they have dropped
the charges of Halabja and genocide in the south against Saddam due
to insufficient evidence.
This clearly indicates that the information the legal team had about
the responsibility of what happened in Halabja lies on Iran and not
Iraq and made the American authority drop this charge against him.
Best regards
Mohammed
_http://www.orbstandard.com/News/wanniskisaddamlawyers.html_
(http://www.orbstandard.com/News/wanniskisaddamlawyers.html)
--__--__--
Message: 2
From: CharlieChimp1@DELETETHISaol.com
Date: Wed, 22 Dec 2004 16:33:57 EST
Subject: The Red Crescent and Coalition threats
To: AlAwda@yahoogroups.com, efreepalestine@yahoogroups.com,
newsclippings@casi.org.uk
[ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ]
Fallujah - The Refugee Disaster & Refugee Work
Donna Mulhearn, Electronic Iraq
20 December 2004
The statistics on the whiteboard looked frightening. There were columns of
Arabic words in black pen and rows of various numbers in bright red.
Asterisks, arrows, ticks and crosses. The whiteboard squiggles presented a=
scenario
that appeared chaotic and overwhelming. But still it did not convey the hu=
man
horror of the Fallujah refugee situation.
We were in the offices of the Iraqi Red Crescent Society, the group now
grappling with the disaster of an entire city becoming homeless in a war z=
one -a
disaster within a disaster.
Ra'id, my Iraqi friend and helper could not wait to start work helping the
people of Fallujah.
"This is the best work to do now in Iraq," he said punching the air with
even more than his usual high-level enthusiasm.
"The Iraqi people have big emotion for the people of Fallujah and the
Australian people do too."
Ra'id, 33, spent three months in Australia this year and personally felt t=
he
deep concern Australians have for the Iraqi people. He is keen to convey
this concern to his fellow citizens who are suffering the most, the Falluj=
ans
With fundraising from Australia, our little organisation, Our Home =E2=80=
=93 Iraq,
would be able to help some of these people.
So we started by seeking advice from the ones who know what they are talki=
ng
about. The Iraqi Red Crescent Society is the group most aware of the
situation and how best to help.
When we arrived outside the Red Crescent office, we immediately got a tast=
e
of the task ahead as we were mobbed a group of woman and children waiting
outside.
"Can you help us?" they asked. "We are from Fallujah, we need so many thin=
gs
..."
Their faces were etched with lines of stress; their eyes were desperate,
their clothes were thin and dirty.
"Please, when we left it was warmer and now it is so cold and we have no
heater."
Inside International Relations Manager, Mr Mazin Salloum told us that Red
Crescent staff estimate that more than 200,000 people from Fallujah were n=
ow
'internally displaced'.
That's a population bigger than Newcastle or Wollongong!
He said a large number had sought refuge in four or five towns around
Fallujah, many had swam across the river or travelled by foot to get to th=
e towns.
Others found their way to Baghdad.
That's like the residents of Newcastle desperately converging on Cessnock,
Maitland, Kurri Kurri, and Raymond Terrace by swimming down the Hunter Riv=
er
or marching along the New England Highway.
Mr Salloum said the accommodation in these towns ranged from sleeping on t=
he
ground under trees, to make-shift tents to the floors of mosques, schools
and empty buildings.
"They don't like to be in tents," he assured me, not really needing to. I'=
d
assumed as much. I had been to Fallujah before and seen the many large, co=
sy,
comfortable houses. I wouldn't want to swap it for a cold, concrete floor
either.
And there were no facilities to support the throng of humans in the
near-freezing conditions. No power, hot water, gas or kerosene.
So it's camping out in Cessnock but without the amenities block! Imagine
living in these conditions with your grandmother, your mother-in-law, your
cousins and all their children - and not for the Christmas holidays, but
indefinitely. And with nothing.
In Baghdad, the Fallujah families converged on mosques; some camped on the
lawns of the university, others found rooms with families or in bombed-out
buildings.
Mr Salloum said, on average, 15 families a day came to the Red Crescent
office asking for help.
"They ask specifically for blankets, heaters and food," he said.
"When they left Fallujah it was still warm. Now it is cold and they have n=
o
warm clothes or blankets to cope with the temperatures," he said.
"When you have to run, it is impossible to take everything with you."
That's the predicament for those outside Fallujah. Inside it's worse. Far
worse.
Red Crescent staff report that dogs are still eating the decomposing bodie=
s
that litter the streets. Raw sewage is flowing through neighbourhoods. The=
re
is no power or running water. People are starving, one family forced to ea=
t
flour for three days.
Staff met two old women who could not leave before the attacks because the=
y
had no relatives outside Fallujah and no where to go. They survived, but a=
re
gravely ill.
The Red Crescent has set up a small office inside the city and try to get =
in
each day with medicines, fresh food and water. Entry is often refused by U=
S
forces because of what they call: "military operations."
When I asked Mr Salloum to share more stories from inside Fallujah, he
hesitated.
"I don't want to make a problem. There are many stories, but telling these
stories publicly has caused trouble for us.
"Trouble?" I asked.
"We cannot risk losing the cooperation of the military..."
I didn't press him on the matter. It was clear. The Red Crescent was being
pressured and censored by the US forces.
"This is not a natural disaster," he said. "There are no politics in a
natural disaster. This is war and we are caught in the middle."
As I left the building his words kept ringing in my ears.
"This is not a natural disaster."
The women were still waiting outside; their faces more desperate, their ey=
es
more hollow.
"This is not a natural disaster."
We spoke with the women, took their details and told them we would provide
blankets, heaters and food for their families.
"I am sorry," one young mother said to me in English as we were leaving, h=
er
head low with shame.
"Sorry?"
I touched her arm and blinked away the tears. My emotion stole my voice fr=
om
me so I had to whisper: "Don't be sorry."
This is not a natural disaster.
The words started pounding in my head. This is a man-made disaster. Someon=
e
made this happen. Someone planned this. Someone executed this.
This is not a natural disaster.
"I'm sorry" I told her as we left.
Your pilgrim
Donna
--__--__--
Message: 3
To: peaceandjustice@lists.riseup.net
From: irc@DELETETHISirc-online.org
Date: Wed, 22 Dec 2004 15:47:20 -0800 (PST)
Subject: [Peace&Justice] Chomsky supports IRC, so should you
Dear IRC Supporters,
Please join me in congratulating the Interhemispheric Resource Center in ce=
lebration of its 25th anniversary. I ask you to support our common struggle=
by donating generously to the IRC, as the organization begins its second q=
uarter-century under its new name, International Relations Center.
There are three reasons why I support the IRC and ask that you do the same:
For 25 years, the IRC has kept a close eye on the evolving manifestations a=
nd impacts of U.S. global hegemony.
Let me give you a few examples: the IRC=92s early focus on Washington=92s r=
ollback interventionism and low-intensity conflict as seen in Central Ameri=
ca; its critique of the neoconservative agenda of U.S.-prescribed =93democr=
atic globalism=94 as promoted by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED)=
beginning in the early 1980s; the incisive look by the IRC=92s Americas Pr=
ogram at the faulty=97and deceptive=97logic of economic integration embodie=
d in the NAFTA accord; its decision to create Foreign Policy In Focus to me=
et the pressing need in the post-Cold War era to forge a comprehensive crit=
ique of U.S. foreign military and economic policies while advancing a more =
constructive agenda; and its efforts, through its Right Web project, to spe=
arhead research and analysis about the key figures and organizations shapin=
g the radical agenda of the Bush White House.
The IRC has demonstrated a consistent internationalist position.
Whether dealing with global economic policy or security relations, the IRC =
has always anchored its analysis and research in a truly progressive intern=
ationalism. Unencumbered by political rhetoric about =93America=92s mission=
,=94 this commitment to a new internationalism recognizes that current U.S.=
policies=97unilateralism, interventionism, exceptionalism, promotion of tr=
ansnational capital, and striving for imperial reach=97constitute major obs=
tacles to more cooperative and mutually beneficial international relations.=
The IRC has committed itself, through its Foreign Policy In Focus project,=
to work toward the creation of a new U.S. foreign policy shaped by genuine=
internationalist principles and embraced by the vast majority of the U.S. =
population.
The IRC forms a critical part of a progressive infrastructure fighting the =
current right-wing assault.
During the past three decades, the right wing has created a formidable arra=
y of policy institutes and think tanks that advance their radical agendas i=
n the public and policy debate. This right-wing establishment has become th=
e nexus of a new political coalition promoting corporate values and imperia=
lism. Within the United States, the hope for people-centered policies rests=
in a vibrant and progressive network of citizen and policy institutes like=
the IRC that propagate the values of peace, equity, and justice.
Since 1979 the IRC has been providing people-centered policy alternatives t=
o stimulate the growth of popular movements that can influence the directio=
n and implementation of U.S. foreign military and economic policies. The IR=
C=92s 25th anniversary marks a history of growth and influence. I am please=
d to share in that feeling of accomplishment, since this also marks my fift=
eenth year of fruitful association with the IRC. I urge you to stand with m=
e by donating=97as I do=97as generously as you can to this insightful organ=
ization whose analysis serves to enhance our common struggle for global jus=
tice.
Sincerely,
Noam Chomsky
The IRC secure online donation location is https://secure.iexposure.com/irc=
/donate.cfm
--__--__--
Message: 4
From: CASI moderator <lists-manager@DELETETHIScasi.org.uk>
To: newsclippings@casi.org.uk, newsclippings@lists.casi.org.uk
Reply-To: lists-manager@casi.org.uk
Subject: Iraqi in Diaspora newsletter # 01/41221/casi
Date: 23 Dec 2004 00:20:26 +0000
Forwarded by Moderator for administrative reasons. Parts of message cut as
unreadable strings of characters through this client: for full newsletter
please contact Iraqis in Diaspora <iraqidiaspora@uk2.net>.
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The contents of the email may not necessarily represent the views of the
Iraqi Diaspora.
*******************************************************************
IRAQI DIASPORA NEWSLETTER - Elections - New Development in Iraq
(1) Iraqi Founding Congress (Report in Arabic Appendix A)
(2) Elections boycott (Om Al-Qura Meeting)
(3) Letter of Iraqi academics and intellectuals on boycotting the
elections.
(4) Baghdad - slide show.
(5) Falluja health damage by Miles Schuman
(6) Photograph from Sunday Mirrors and reply from New York Times.
(7) Appendices A, B and C.
***********************************************************
(1) The formation of the Iraqi Founding Congress (IFC):
This is an assembly of parties and groups that was formed 8 months ago
and encompasses both the secular and the religious spectrum (Muslim and
Christian). The Congress represents an attempt to combat the current
sectarian and ethnic tenor of Iraqi politics which the occupation has
created and is a true expression of the determination of Iraqis to face
up to the divisive policies and ongoing attempts to stir ethnic division
and the fragmentation of Iraq. The IFC stands for Iraqi unity, rejection
of sectarianism and dictatorship and seeks true transparent democracy
and a fair and non-corrupt re-construction of Iraq. It also opposes the
occupation and calls for cessation of atrocities against the Iraqi
people.
(Announcement to boycott the elections - see Appendix A)
(2) Boycotting the Elections:
(A) There has been increasing numbers of Iraqi organisations boycotting
the forthcoming elections. Recently, a meeting of political, religious
and community groups together with intellectuals, joined in their
opposition to the occupation, met on 17 November in Um El Qura Mosque,
Baghdad. Following the meeting there was an unanimous agreement and an
announcement to boycott the planned elections in January 2005 promoted
by the occupation.
The reasons given for the boycott are:- (translated from Arabic by the
translation team - Iraqi Diaspora).
1. The elections will not express the true will of the people;
neither result in their desire for true independence and democracy as
long as it is based on the Transitional Administrative Law, imposed by
the occupier. The majority of political, religious and independent
authorities therefore rejected the proposed elections on the basis that
it harbours considerable risks on the future, unity and dominion of
Iraq.
2. The attacks on Iraq's cities including Najaf, Karbala, Samara,
Mosul, Baghdad, Sadr City, Adhamiya, and more recently the vicious
assault on Falluja, constitute a major obstacle facing the political
process that is taking place under the domination of the occupation.
The meeting stated that:
'We have considered the impact on Iraq of the American occupation; of
what the Iraqi people continue to face and the far-reaching effects of
the mayhem and crisis on their livelihood. We consider that the
occupation targets Iraq's very existence and that of future generations
and seeks to dismantle its national, religious, and moral bonds and ties
whilst trying to paralyse both its standing and decision-making process
by removing its ability to think, to rationalise and to act effectively.
This requires a true understanding of the dangerous realities of the
occupation and the activation of a national and genuine will to resist
it. We believe that these elections will not be free and fair and with
our knowledge of the high possibility of them being rigged or fraudulent
because of the absence of satisfactory baseline statistics for the
election process and the deficiencies of the security forces to protect
its citizens together with the failure of the state organisations in
running its affairs.
We also know that the plan has been formulated to trap the
honest nationalistic forces opposing the occupation by encouraging them
to participate in the election and then prevent them from winning in
order to impart legitimacy to the occupier and whoever will represent
the occupier after the elections. This is with our absolute knowledge
that the results have already been pre-determined in the interests of
the collaborators whom the occupiers wish to win.
We therefore announce, based on the above, our boycott of the
elections and call upon all our people to do the same and inform you
that other parties and groups who have not been able to attend the
meeting will later join the patriotic forces who are making this
declaration.
Long live Iraq free and independent.'
Baghdad, 17 November 2004 (4th Shawal 1425 Hijri).
Signatories - see appendix (B).
(B) In addition, more than one hundred Iraqi intellectuals from
different political and religious spectrum in Iraq signed a petition
addressing what they called the 'election game' that has been called for
the end of January 2005.
The petition stated: (translated from Arabic by the translation team,
Iraqidiasapora).
We, the undersigned Iraqi writers, journalists, opinion holders,
political activists, state as much as we believe in a decisive form that
the true democracy is the safest framework for the achievement of peace
and social security in our country, and that an irreproachable election
is the only method that will emphasis the will of our people in choosing
their representative and government and transform the governmental
positions from a privilege to a responsibility, we reject by the same
magnitude what is happening in terms of slaughter, massacres and daily
war crimes against the people of Iraq under the umbrella of achieving
democracy and the preparation of suitable conditions for the election
and we hold what is called the Interim Government responsible for
providing local cover for this democracy of killing.
We therefore declare the following: - (translated from Arabic by the
Postmaster of Iraqi Diaspora).
1. We fully support the position of the patriotic parties, groups
and movements which met in Um Al Qura Mosque on 17 November 2004 and
their decision to boycott the election 'game' that has been announced by
the occupation forces and its local stooges and we believe that its aim
is to falsify the will of our people and legitimise perpetual
occupation.
2. We demand the 'Interim Government', if it truly wants to achieve
transparency in the election, to stop its oppressive practices against
our people, and the assassinations and arrests of the citizens who call
for an end to the occupation and allow them to express their views in
total freedom and to release all detainees.
3. We demand the Interim Government to ending the cover-up that
provides legitimacy to the occupation forces that plays with the truth
and pretends that its stay in Iraq, and its practise of ugly massacres
against our people are the national will, and to withdraw its request
for the occupying forces to stay. We strongly and forcefully reject the
democracy of tanks and gunship.
4. We demand the formation of a transparent commission from local
experts of all persuasions to include both the peaceful and armed
resistance, to legislate a new administrative law to replace the
existing Transitional Administrative Law that has been imposed by the
occupier, which only serves the interests of the occupier and excludes
national interests. In addition, to legislate a new and fair law for
the elections which can prevent counterfeiting the will of the Iraqi
people together with setting up committees from known and reputable
people from all persuasions to observe and supervise the elections
together with Arabic, Islamic and international independent electoral
observers, who do not submit to the American will or control.
We call upon our people to be vigilant of this 'game' aimed at forging
its will and we issue a call to escalate the protests through
demonstrations and petitions to pressurise the so called Interim
Government and ensure that our voices reach the international public
opinion, boycott the elections and defeat any game to falsify the will
of the Iraqis.
Signatories - see appendix (C).
(4) Baghdad
****************************
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Appendix (B) Signatories on Om Al-Qura Meeting:
1. Imam Al Khalisy School (Jami'at Al Imam Alkhalisi)
2. Muslim Scholars Forum in Iraq (Hayaat Ulamaa almuslimeeen fil
Iraq)
3. The Office of Ayatollah Ahmed Al Hassany Al Baghdadi
4. The Office of Ayatollah Al Taie
5. Movement of the National Arabic Current (Haraket Altayar
Alkqawmi Alarabi)
6. The Democratic Reform Party (Hizul Islah Aldimocrati)
7. The United National Front (Alharak Alwataniya Almutahida)
8. The Iraqi Turkoman Front (Aljabha Alturkumaiya Aliraqiya)
9. The Christian Democratic Party (Alhiz Almaseehi Aliraqi)
10. The Islamic Body (Al Kutla Al Islamiya fil Iraq)
11. The Iraqi Lawyers Confederation (Ihtihad al Huqooqeyoon al
Iraqiyoon)
12. The High Committee for Human Rights (Al-lijna Alulia Li Huqooq
Alinsan).
13. The Iraqi Womens Association (Jamiyat Almar'a Aliraqiya)
14. The National Front for the Liberation of Iraq (Aljabha
Alwataniya li Tahrir Aliraq)
15. People Unity Party (Ittihad al Shaab)
16. Popular Struggle Movement (Haraket Al Kifah al Shaabi)
17. Popular Forum for Education, Arts and Sports (Alhaya' Alsha'biya
lil Thaqafa, wal Finoon wal Riyadha)
18. The Movement of the Independents Opposing Occupation (Haraket Al
Mustakalin li
Munahadhet al Ihtilal)
19. Adhamiya Consultative Council (Mejlis Shura Al Adhamiya)
20. Islamic Union for Media (Alrabita Alislamiya lil I'laam)
21. University Tutors Union (Rabitet altadrisien Aljami'iyeen)
22. Islamic Upbringing Party (Jam' iyat Altarbiya Alislamiya)
23. Democratic Centre Assembly (Tajamu' Alwasat Aldemocrati)
24. National Union for the Students of Iraq (Alittihad Alwatani Li
Talabet Aliraq)
25. Al Zahra' Womens Association (Jam'iyat Alzahra' Alnisawiya)
26. Islamic Union for the Students of the Sharia Sciences in Basra
(Alrabita Alislamiya litalabet Alilm Alshar'ie- Albasrah)
27. Al Mada'in Citizens Council (Majlis Ahali Almada'in)
28. Dr Mousa Alhusaini
29. The Iraqi Tribes Union (Rabitet Al Asha'ir Al Iraqiya)
30. Sadr City Tribes Union (Rabitat Ashier Medinat Alsadr)
31. Jawadain Service Union (Rabitet Khidmet Aljawadain bil
Kadhomiya)
32. Iraqi Trade Unions
33. Students and Youth of Iraq Organisation (Munadhamet Talabet wa
Shabab Aliraq)
34. Justice and Brotherhood Party (Hiz Al'adala wal Ikhaa')
35. The Independent National Assembly (Altajamu' Alwatani
Almustakil)
36. Consultative Body for the Tribes of Abu Ghraib District (Haya'at
Alra'iy li asha'ir Qadha' Abu Ghraib)
37. National Democratic Party (Alhizul Alqawmi Aldemocrati)
38. The Arabic Socialist Movement (Alharaka Alishtirakiya Alarabiya)
39. Iraqi Nationalists Movement (Haraket Alwataniyeen Aliraqiyeen)
40. The Free Muslims Assembly (Tajamu' Almuslimeen Al Hur)
41. Assembly of the Independent National Dignitaries (Tajamu'
Alshakhsiyat Alwataniya Almustakilla)
42. The Progressive Union for the Students of Iraq (Alittihad
Atakadumi li Talabet Aliraq)
43. The Union of the Women of the Republic (Ittiihad Nisa'
Aljumhuriya)
44. The Will of the Women Forum (Hay'at Iradet Almar'a)
45. The Movement of the Progressive Message (Haraket Altakadum
Alrisali - Alnajef Alashref)
46. Liberation Party (Hizb Altahrir)
47. The Iraqi Union in the United Kingdom (Alrabita Aliraqiya fi
Almamlaka Almutahida)
48. United Iraq Party (Hizb Aliraq Almuwahad)
49. The Free Iraqi Society Party (Huzb Almujtama' Aliraqi Alhur)
50. The National Renewal Movement (Haraket Altajdid Alwatani)
51. Popular Democratic Assembly (Altajamu' Al-Sha'bi Aldimocrati)
52. Iraq Citizenship Trend (Tayar Almuwatana Aliraq)
53. The Iraqi National Saviour Front (Jabhet Alinqath Alwatani
Aliraqiya)
54. Shaker El Haj Mukhlif, Editor El Madar Al Adabi, USA
55. Dr Shahd Malik Al Werd, Academic, USA
56. Dr Khaldoon Mohammed Faris, USA
57. Dr Mohammed Karim Al Jaaf, USA
58. Dr Ass'ad Karim Kittany, USA
59. Dr Mohammed Khalil Kanna, USA
60. Dr Wail Ghazwan Al Tikriti, USA
61. Dr Abbas Sabih Al Abdely, USA
62. Dr Tamather Munshid Al Imari, USA
63. Dr Huda Mohammed Al Hashimi, UK
64. Dr Maha Hassan Al Baghdadi, Professor of Ophthalmology, Texas
University, USA
65. Reforms and Development Association, Baghdad (Jamiyat Alislah
Wal Tanmiya), Baghdad
66. Abdul Illah Al Bayati, Intellectual, France
67. The National Front for the Intellectuals of Iraq (Aljabha
Alwataniya li Muthaqafi Aliraq)
Appendix (C) signatories on the petition of Iraqi intellectuals
1. Dr Shaker Alhaj Khalef, Editor, Almadar Aladabi, USA
2. Dr Shahd Malek Alward, academic
3. Dr Tamadhur Munshid Alimari, academic
4. Dr Khaldoun Mohamed Faris, academic
5. Dr Jumana Hasan Al Ayoubi, writer and academic
6. Dr Huda Alhashimi, writer and academic
7. Dr Mohamed Saied Alghazali, academic researcher
8. Karim Saied Alhaboubi, writer
9. Dr Mohamed Karim Aljaf, academic and researcher in the history
of Iraq.
10. Dr Fatima Almahdi, journalist and university professor
11. Dr Layali Abdul Badie, writer
12. Dr Asaad Karim Kittani, international law professor
13. Dr Mohamed Khalil Kenna, professor of economics
14. Dr Abbas Sabih Alabdali, professor of international relations,
academic researcher
15. Walid Rahim Almashta, writer
16. Dr Wail Ghazwan Altikriti, academic, researcher in modern
history of Iraq.
17. Samira Abdul Karim, writer
18. Sawsan Abulnoor, writer, Egypt
19. Dr Iman Alnaqib, academic and researcher in the history of
Arabic literature
20. Anwar Albasri, writer
21. Maha Hasan Albaghdadi, writer
22. Faiza Abdul Musin, writer
23. Wahab Mohamed Amin, writer.
24. Dr Wahid Wajdi, writer
25. Dr Sinan abdalla
26. Dr Jamila Muntaser, researcher in Middle-East affairs
27. Dr Akthem Abdul Baqi, petrochemicals expert
28. Jumana Abd Ali, writer
29. Dr Faris Ahmed Alazawi, academic researcher
30. Dr Abdul Ilah Khadouri, researcher in politics
31. Isam Khari karim, researcher in human rights
32. Mayada karem, writer
33. Dr Mohamed Akthem Alja'fari, writer
34. Daoud Yacoub, writer
35. Majid Abdul Hadi, writer
36. General Mahdi Karim Hantoush
37. Brigadier General Imad Khalil Aldulaimi
38. Brigadier Basil Mustafa Hamdan
39. Lieutenant-Colonel Amjed Halim Alhasan
40. Wijdan Amin, writer
41. Awni Qalamchi, writer, Official spokeman for the Iraqi National
Alliance (Al Tahaluf Alwatani Aliraqi)
42. Shawket Khazender, writer, The National Democratic Communist
Movement
43. Ridha Alshawk, political activist, The National Democratic
Communist Movement
44. Ahmed Karim Taha, The National Democratic Communist Movement
45. Dr Shaker Alsaiedi, university professor
46. Professor Kamal majid, writer, university professor
47. Tahrir Abdul Samad Numan, teacher, women writes activist
48. Dr Ayhem Rahawi, university professor
49. Dr Khaled Ahmed, university professor
50. Munther Naman Aladhamai, researches in social sciences, Kings
College, London University
51. Samir Alramadhani, university professor
52. Dr Khaled Salam, university professor, National Democratic
Communist Movement.
53. Shawan Shawket Ahmed, teacher, Denmark
54. Soran Shawket Ahmed, teacher, Denmark
55. Bassam Shawket Ahmet, teacher, Denmark
56. Hussain Alhussaini, university student, Copenhagen
57. Najat Qalanji, engineer, Committee of the Defence of Truman, UK.
58. Dr Wajdi Jihadf Salih, political activist
59. Kadhem Mohamed Taqi, writer and political activist
60. Basil Aladhami, political activist, Iraqi Islamic Party
61. Barzan Ahmed Qader, independent nationalist
62. Sheikh Abdul Latif Alsaadi, Confederation of Writers and
Publishers in Britain
63. Brigidair Salim Shaker Alimami, writer and strategy analyst
64. Khalil Alkubaisi, political activist
65. Abdulla Salman Alrubaie, political activist
66. Nawar Alramadhani, media
67. Fakhr Alhussainiwriter and media
68. Hasan Alhamdani, artist
69. Sabah Alrubaie, technician
70. Zainab Alrubaie, artist
71. Dr Nouri Alradi, Offcial Spokeman for the Iraqi Communist Party,
Al Kader.
72. Iman Alsaadoun, writer
73. Dr Abdul Karim Al Ghaban, writer and political activist
74. Hamed Aljanabi, political activist
75. Abdul Rahman Alabbasi, political activist
76. Furat Alwan, supervisor, Voice Conversation Room, Freemen of
Iraqi People (Ahrar Alshaab Aliraqi)
77. Sadoun Almashhadani, Member of the Arab National Congress
78. Baqir Alsarraf, write and political activist
79. Tariq Aldulaimi, writer
80. Amer Hadi Tharb, political activist
81. Dr Jasim Alkubaisi, political activist
82. Nada Alrubaie, writer womean writes activist
83. Alaa Aljawadi, political activist
84. Dr Jamal Alsamarie, writer
85. Omer Abdul Hafidh Alanai, political activist
86. Majed Ahmed Aldakhil
87. Dr Mohamed Alobaidi, write and university professor
88. Mohamed Alwaisi, reseracher in economics
89. Professor Dr Saad Daoud Qiyaqous, writer, professor, University
of Ottawa, Canada
90. Dr Abdul Razzak Al Qaisi, social researcher, university
professor
91. Labeed Alsumaidaie, political activist
92. Noah Alsharqi, politcal activist, Iraqi Communist Party,
Al-Kader
93. Sabah Diebs, political activist and writer
94. Najib Khoshel Mansour, engineer
95. Ali Alrubaie, political activist
96. Mahasin Hanka', teacher
97. Dr Saied Ali Al Lami, political activist
98. Hind Alnuaimi, researcher, woman activist
99. Walid Aljubouri, political activist
100. Dr Amer Alkubaisi, political activist
101. Safa Alhadithi, engineer
102. Samir Obaid, writer and political analyst, Paris
103. Hasan Alrassam, artist, Sweden
104. Sawsan Sultan, engineer, Holland
105. Sabah Alshaher, writer and novelist, director of thawabit.com
Website
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