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[ This message has been sent to you via the CASI-analysis mailing list ] This is an automated compilation of submissions to email@example.com Articles for inclusion in this daily news mailing should be sent to firstname.lastname@example.org. Please include a full reference to the source of the article. Today's Topics: 1. More about Halabja (CharlieChimp1@aol.com) 2. The Red Crescent and Coalition threats (CharlieChimp1@aol.com) 3. [Peace&Justice] Chomsky supports IRC, so should you (email@example.com) 4. Iraqi in Diaspora newsletter # 01/41221/casi (CASI moderator) --__--__-- Message: 1 From: CharlieChimp1@DELETETHISaol.com Date: Wed, 22 Dec 2004 16:17:02 EST Subject: More about Halabja To: firstname.lastname@example.org, email@example.com [ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ] By Jude Wanniski It seldom happens that I can report "news" to you, as opposed to "news analysis," but in the last few hours I've received messages from my Iraqi contact in London with important news that has not yet made the world press. As most of you know, I have for the last two years argued that whatever else Saddam Hussein did for good or ill as Iraq's president since 1978, there is no evidence that he committed genocide. That he "never gassed his own people," i.e., the Iraqi Kurds, which has been an assertion that has been repeated so often by President Bush, Vice President Cheney and the American press that I'm sure 99.9% of the people believe it is gospel. The news from Mohammed Al-Obaidi today is that the team prosecuting Saddam for crimes against humanity has dropped the genocide charge "due to insufficient evidence." Al-Obaidi assures me the news is true, and if it is, we should be learning about it soon from the news media. It will further complicate the administration's problems in Iraq, as it had been relying on the genocide charge to justify "regime change" in Baghdad when the other rationales - WMD and Al Qaida connections - failed. I may be wrong, but if this turns out to be true, it would be a positive development in resolving the conflict in Iraq sooner, rather than later. Once the U.S. press corps focuses on the issue, it would force President Bush to re- examine his own assumptions about the rationale for unilateral action and make it easier for him to shift gears toward greater international involvement in resolving the several conflated issues in the Middle East. Here is the note I got from Al-Obaidi (who has been in exile in London for 20 years and is no fan of Saddam, but who has been among those who have insisted there was no genocide committed by his regime). Dear Jude: I have just been informed by Mr. Al-Khasawnah, Chief lawyer of Saddam`s legal team, that after the Iraqi lawyer, Mr. Khalil Al-Dulaimi met with Saddam a couple of days ago, the American legal authority in Iraq informed the lawyer that they have dropped the charges of Halabja and genocide in the south against Saddam due to insufficient evidence. This clearly indicates that the information the legal team had about the responsibility of what happened in Halabja lies on Iran and not Iraq and made the American authority drop this charge against him. Best regards Mohammed _http://www.orbstandard.com/News/wanniskisaddamlawyers.html_ (http://www.orbstandard.com/News/wanniskisaddamlawyers.html) --__--__-- Message: 2 From: CharlieChimp1@DELETETHISaol.com Date: Wed, 22 Dec 2004 16:33:57 EST Subject: The Red Crescent and Coalition threats To: AlAwda@yahoogroups.com, firstname.lastname@example.org, email@example.com [ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ] Fallujah - The Refugee Disaster & Refugee Work Donna Mulhearn, Electronic Iraq 20 December 2004 The statistics on the whiteboard looked frightening. There were columns of Arabic words in black pen and rows of various numbers in bright red. Asterisks, arrows, ticks and crosses. The whiteboard squiggles presented a= scenario that appeared chaotic and overwhelming. But still it did not convey the hu= man horror of the Fallujah refugee situation. We were in the offices of the Iraqi Red Crescent Society, the group now grappling with the disaster of an entire city becoming homeless in a war z= one -a disaster within a disaster. Ra'id, my Iraqi friend and helper could not wait to start work helping the people of Fallujah. "This is the best work to do now in Iraq," he said punching the air with even more than his usual high-level enthusiasm. "The Iraqi people have big emotion for the people of Fallujah and the Australian people do too." Ra'id, 33, spent three months in Australia this year and personally felt t= he deep concern Australians have for the Iraqi people. He is keen to convey this concern to his fellow citizens who are suffering the most, the Falluj= ans With fundraising from Australia, our little organisation, Our Home =E2=80= =93 Iraq, would be able to help some of these people. So we started by seeking advice from the ones who know what they are talki= ng about. The Iraqi Red Crescent Society is the group most aware of the situation and how best to help. When we arrived outside the Red Crescent office, we immediately got a tast= e of the task ahead as we were mobbed a group of woman and children waiting outside. "Can you help us?" they asked. "We are from Fallujah, we need so many thin= gs ..." Their faces were etched with lines of stress; their eyes were desperate, their clothes were thin and dirty. "Please, when we left it was warmer and now it is so cold and we have no heater." Inside International Relations Manager, Mr Mazin Salloum told us that Red Crescent staff estimate that more than 200,000 people from Fallujah were n= ow 'internally displaced'. That's a population bigger than Newcastle or Wollongong! He said a large number had sought refuge in four or five towns around Fallujah, many had swam across the river or travelled by foot to get to th= e towns. Others found their way to Baghdad. That's like the residents of Newcastle desperately converging on Cessnock, Maitland, Kurri Kurri, and Raymond Terrace by swimming down the Hunter Riv= er or marching along the New England Highway. Mr Salloum said the accommodation in these towns ranged from sleeping on t= he ground under trees, to make-shift tents to the floors of mosques, schools and empty buildings. "They don't like to be in tents," he assured me, not really needing to. I'= d assumed as much. I had been to Fallujah before and seen the many large, co= sy, comfortable houses. I wouldn't want to swap it for a cold, concrete floor either. And there were no facilities to support the throng of humans in the near-freezing conditions. No power, hot water, gas or kerosene. So it's camping out in Cessnock but without the amenities block! Imagine living in these conditions with your grandmother, your mother-in-law, your cousins and all their children - and not for the Christmas holidays, but indefinitely. And with nothing. In Baghdad, the Fallujah families converged on mosques; some camped on the lawns of the university, others found rooms with families or in bombed-out buildings. Mr Salloum said, on average, 15 families a day came to the Red Crescent office asking for help. "They ask specifically for blankets, heaters and food," he said. "When they left Fallujah it was still warm. Now it is cold and they have n= o warm clothes or blankets to cope with the temperatures," he said. "When you have to run, it is impossible to take everything with you." That's the predicament for those outside Fallujah. Inside it's worse. Far worse. Red Crescent staff report that dogs are still eating the decomposing bodie= s that litter the streets. Raw sewage is flowing through neighbourhoods. The= re is no power or running water. People are starving, one family forced to ea= t flour for three days. Staff met two old women who could not leave before the attacks because the= y had no relatives outside Fallujah and no where to go. They survived, but a= re gravely ill. The Red Crescent has set up a small office inside the city and try to get = in each day with medicines, fresh food and water. Entry is often refused by U= S forces because of what they call: "military operations." When I asked Mr Salloum to share more stories from inside Fallujah, he hesitated. "I don't want to make a problem. There are many stories, but telling these stories publicly has caused trouble for us. "Trouble?" I asked. "We cannot risk losing the cooperation of the military..." I didn't press him on the matter. It was clear. The Red Crescent was being pressured and censored by the US forces. "This is not a natural disaster," he said. "There are no politics in a natural disaster. This is war and we are caught in the middle." As I left the building his words kept ringing in my ears. "This is not a natural disaster." The women were still waiting outside; their faces more desperate, their ey= es more hollow. "This is not a natural disaster." We spoke with the women, took their details and told them we would provide blankets, heaters and food for their families. "I am sorry," one young mother said to me in English as we were leaving, h= er head low with shame. "Sorry?" I touched her arm and blinked away the tears. My emotion stole my voice fr= om me so I had to whisper: "Don't be sorry." This is not a natural disaster. The words started pounding in my head. This is a man-made disaster. Someon= e made this happen. Someone planned this. Someone executed this. This is not a natural disaster. "I'm sorry" I told her as we left. Your pilgrim Donna --__--__-- Message: 3 To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: irc@DELETETHISirc-online.org Date: Wed, 22 Dec 2004 15:47:20 -0800 (PST) Subject: [Peace&Justice] Chomsky supports IRC, so should you Dear IRC Supporters, Please join me in congratulating the Interhemispheric Resource Center in ce= lebration of its 25th anniversary. I ask you to support our common struggle= by donating generously to the IRC, as the organization begins its second q= uarter-century under its new name, International Relations Center. There are three reasons why I support the IRC and ask that you do the same: For 25 years, the IRC has kept a close eye on the evolving manifestations a= nd impacts of U.S. global hegemony. Let me give you a few examples: the IRC=92s early focus on Washington=92s r= ollback interventionism and low-intensity conflict as seen in Central Ameri= ca; its critique of the neoconservative agenda of U.S.-prescribed =93democr= atic globalism=94 as promoted by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED)= beginning in the early 1980s; the incisive look by the IRC=92s Americas Pr= ogram at the faulty=97and deceptive=97logic of economic integration embodie= d in the NAFTA accord; its decision to create Foreign Policy In Focus to me= et the pressing need in the post-Cold War era to forge a comprehensive crit= ique of U.S. foreign military and economic policies while advancing a more = constructive agenda; and its efforts, through its Right Web project, to spe= arhead research and analysis about the key figures and organizations shapin= g the radical agenda of the Bush White House. The IRC has demonstrated a consistent internationalist position. Whether dealing with global economic policy or security relations, the IRC = has always anchored its analysis and research in a truly progressive intern= ationalism. Unencumbered by political rhetoric about =93America=92s mission= ,=94 this commitment to a new internationalism recognizes that current U.S.= policies=97unilateralism, interventionism, exceptionalism, promotion of tr= ansnational capital, and striving for imperial reach=97constitute major obs= tacles to more cooperative and mutually beneficial international relations.= The IRC has committed itself, through its Foreign Policy In Focus project,= to work toward the creation of a new U.S. foreign policy shaped by genuine= internationalist principles and embraced by the vast majority of the U.S. = population. The IRC forms a critical part of a progressive infrastructure fighting the = current right-wing assault. During the past three decades, the right wing has created a formidable arra= y of policy institutes and think tanks that advance their radical agendas i= n the public and policy debate. This right-wing establishment has become th= e nexus of a new political coalition promoting corporate values and imperia= lism. Within the United States, the hope for people-centered policies rests= in a vibrant and progressive network of citizen and policy institutes like= the IRC that propagate the values of peace, equity, and justice. Since 1979 the IRC has been providing people-centered policy alternatives t= o stimulate the growth of popular movements that can influence the directio= n and implementation of U.S. foreign military and economic policies. The IR= C=92s 25th anniversary marks a history of growth and influence. I am please= d to share in that feeling of accomplishment, since this also marks my fift= eenth year of fruitful association with the IRC. I urge you to stand with m= e by donating=97as I do=97as generously as you can to this insightful organ= ization whose analysis serves to enhance our common struggle for global jus= tice. Sincerely, Noam Chomsky The IRC secure online donation location is https://secure.iexposure.com/irc= /donate.cfm --__--__-- Message: 4 From: CASI moderator <lists-manager@DELETETHIScasi.org.uk> To: email@example.com, firstname.lastname@example.org Reply-To: email@example.com Subject: Iraqi in Diaspora newsletter # 01/41221/casi Date: 23 Dec 2004 00:20:26 +0000 Forwarded by Moderator for administrative reasons. Parts of message cut as unreadable strings of characters through this client: for full newsletter please contact Iraqis in Diaspora <firstname.lastname@example.org>. ******************************************************************* The contents of the email may not necessarily represent the views of the Iraqi Diaspora. ******************************************************************* IRAQI DIASPORA NEWSLETTER - Elections - New Development in Iraq (1) Iraqi Founding Congress (Report in Arabic Appendix A) (2) Elections boycott (Om Al-Qura Meeting) (3) Letter of Iraqi academics and intellectuals on boycotting the elections. (4) Baghdad - slide show. (5) Falluja health damage by Miles Schuman (6) Photograph from Sunday Mirrors and reply from New York Times. (7) Appendices A, B and C. *********************************************************** (1) The formation of the Iraqi Founding Congress (IFC): This is an assembly of parties and groups that was formed 8 months ago and encompasses both the secular and the religious spectrum (Muslim and Christian). The Congress represents an attempt to combat the current sectarian and ethnic tenor of Iraqi politics which the occupation has created and is a true expression of the determination of Iraqis to face up to the divisive policies and ongoing attempts to stir ethnic division and the fragmentation of Iraq. The IFC stands for Iraqi unity, rejection of sectarianism and dictatorship and seeks true transparent democracy and a fair and non-corrupt re-construction of Iraq. It also opposes the occupation and calls for cessation of atrocities against the Iraqi people. (Announcement to boycott the elections - see Appendix A) (2) Boycotting the Elections: (A) There has been increasing numbers of Iraqi organisations boycotting the forthcoming elections. Recently, a meeting of political, religious and community groups together with intellectuals, joined in their opposition to the occupation, met on 17 November in Um El Qura Mosque, Baghdad. Following the meeting there was an unanimous agreement and an announcement to boycott the planned elections in January 2005 promoted by the occupation. The reasons given for the boycott are:- (translated from Arabic by the translation team - Iraqi Diaspora). 1. The elections will not express the true will of the people; neither result in their desire for true independence and democracy as long as it is based on the Transitional Administrative Law, imposed by the occupier. The majority of political, religious and independent authorities therefore rejected the proposed elections on the basis that it harbours considerable risks on the future, unity and dominion of Iraq. 2. The attacks on Iraq's cities including Najaf, Karbala, Samara, Mosul, Baghdad, Sadr City, Adhamiya, and more recently the vicious assault on Falluja, constitute a major obstacle facing the political process that is taking place under the domination of the occupation. The meeting stated that: 'We have considered the impact on Iraq of the American occupation; of what the Iraqi people continue to face and the far-reaching effects of the mayhem and crisis on their livelihood. We consider that the occupation targets Iraq's very existence and that of future generations and seeks to dismantle its national, religious, and moral bonds and ties whilst trying to paralyse both its standing and decision-making process by removing its ability to think, to rationalise and to act effectively. This requires a true understanding of the dangerous realities of the occupation and the activation of a national and genuine will to resist it. We believe that these elections will not be free and fair and with our knowledge of the high possibility of them being rigged or fraudulent because of the absence of satisfactory baseline statistics for the election process and the deficiencies of the security forces to protect its citizens together with the failure of the state organisations in running its affairs. We also know that the plan has been formulated to trap the honest nationalistic forces opposing the occupation by encouraging them to participate in the election and then prevent them from winning in order to impart legitimacy to the occupier and whoever will represent the occupier after the elections. This is with our absolute knowledge that the results have already been pre-determined in the interests of the collaborators whom the occupiers wish to win. We therefore announce, based on the above, our boycott of the elections and call upon all our people to do the same and inform you that other parties and groups who have not been able to attend the meeting will later join the patriotic forces who are making this declaration. Long live Iraq free and independent.' Baghdad, 17 November 2004 (4th Shawal 1425 Hijri). Signatories - see appendix (B). (B) In addition, more than one hundred Iraqi intellectuals from different political and religious spectrum in Iraq signed a petition addressing what they called the 'election game' that has been called for the end of January 2005. The petition stated: (translated from Arabic by the translation team, Iraqidiasapora). We, the undersigned Iraqi writers, journalists, opinion holders, political activists, state as much as we believe in a decisive form that the true democracy is the safest framework for the achievement of peace and social security in our country, and that an irreproachable election is the only method that will emphasis the will of our people in choosing their representative and government and transform the governmental positions from a privilege to a responsibility, we reject by the same magnitude what is happening in terms of slaughter, massacres and daily war crimes against the people of Iraq under the umbrella of achieving democracy and the preparation of suitable conditions for the election and we hold what is called the Interim Government responsible for providing local cover for this democracy of killing. We therefore declare the following: - (translated from Arabic by the Postmaster of Iraqi Diaspora). 1. We fully support the position of the patriotic parties, groups and movements which met in Um Al Qura Mosque on 17 November 2004 and their decision to boycott the election 'game' that has been announced by the occupation forces and its local stooges and we believe that its aim is to falsify the will of our people and legitimise perpetual occupation. 2. We demand the 'Interim Government', if it truly wants to achieve transparency in the election, to stop its oppressive practices against our people, and the assassinations and arrests of the citizens who call for an end to the occupation and allow them to express their views in total freedom and to release all detainees. 3. We demand the Interim Government to ending the cover-up that provides legitimacy to the occupation forces that plays with the truth and pretends that its stay in Iraq, and its practise of ugly massacres against our people are the national will, and to withdraw its request for the occupying forces to stay. We strongly and forcefully reject the democracy of tanks and gunship. 4. We demand the formation of a transparent commission from local experts of all persuasions to include both the peaceful and armed resistance, to legislate a new administrative law to replace the existing Transitional Administrative Law that has been imposed by the occupier, which only serves the interests of the occupier and excludes national interests. In addition, to legislate a new and fair law for the elections which can prevent counterfeiting the will of the Iraqi people together with setting up committees from known and reputable people from all persuasions to observe and supervise the elections together with Arabic, Islamic and international independent electoral observers, who do not submit to the American will or control. We call upon our people to be vigilant of this 'game' aimed at forging its will and we issue a call to escalate the protests through demonstrations and petitions to pressurise the so called Interim Government and ensure that our voices reach the international public opinion, boycott the elections and defeat any game to falsify the will of the Iraqis. Signatories - see appendix (C). (4) Baghdad **************************** [ Section: 1/1 File: nazarqabani.pps UUencoded by: Turnpike 6.04 ] ILLEGIBLE STRING OF CHARACTERS ********************************* sum -r/size 144/39529 section (from "begin" to "end") sum -r/size 29517/28672 entire input file ***************************************** Appendix (B) Signatories on Om Al-Qura Meeting: 1. Imam Al Khalisy School (Jami'at Al Imam Alkhalisi) 2. Muslim Scholars Forum in Iraq (Hayaat Ulamaa almuslimeeen fil Iraq) 3. The Office of Ayatollah Ahmed Al Hassany Al Baghdadi 4. The Office of Ayatollah Al Taie 5. Movement of the National Arabic Current (Haraket Altayar Alkqawmi Alarabi) 6. The Democratic Reform Party (Hizul Islah Aldimocrati) 7. The United National Front (Alharak Alwataniya Almutahida) 8. The Iraqi Turkoman Front (Aljabha Alturkumaiya Aliraqiya) 9. The Christian Democratic Party (Alhiz Almaseehi Aliraqi) 10. The Islamic Body (Al Kutla Al Islamiya fil Iraq) 11. The Iraqi Lawyers Confederation (Ihtihad al Huqooqeyoon al Iraqiyoon) 12. The High Committee for Human Rights (Al-lijna Alulia Li Huqooq Alinsan). 13. The Iraqi Womens Association (Jamiyat Almar'a Aliraqiya) 14. The National Front for the Liberation of Iraq (Aljabha Alwataniya li Tahrir Aliraq) 15. People Unity Party (Ittihad al Shaab) 16. Popular Struggle Movement (Haraket Al Kifah al Shaabi) 17. Popular Forum for Education, Arts and Sports (Alhaya' Alsha'biya lil Thaqafa, wal Finoon wal Riyadha) 18. The Movement of the Independents Opposing Occupation (Haraket Al Mustakalin li Munahadhet al Ihtilal) 19. Adhamiya Consultative Council (Mejlis Shura Al Adhamiya) 20. Islamic Union for Media (Alrabita Alislamiya lil I'laam) 21. University Tutors Union (Rabitet altadrisien Aljami'iyeen) 22. Islamic Upbringing Party (Jam' iyat Altarbiya Alislamiya) 23. Democratic Centre Assembly (Tajamu' Alwasat Aldemocrati) 24. National Union for the Students of Iraq (Alittihad Alwatani Li Talabet Aliraq) 25. Al Zahra' Womens Association (Jam'iyat Alzahra' Alnisawiya) 26. Islamic Union for the Students of the Sharia Sciences in Basra (Alrabita Alislamiya litalabet Alilm Alshar'ie- Albasrah) 27. Al Mada'in Citizens Council (Majlis Ahali Almada'in) 28. Dr Mousa Alhusaini 29. The Iraqi Tribes Union (Rabitet Al Asha'ir Al Iraqiya) 30. Sadr City Tribes Union (Rabitat Ashier Medinat Alsadr) 31. Jawadain Service Union (Rabitet Khidmet Aljawadain bil Kadhomiya) 32. Iraqi Trade Unions 33. Students and Youth of Iraq Organisation (Munadhamet Talabet wa Shabab Aliraq) 34. Justice and Brotherhood Party (Hiz Al'adala wal Ikhaa') 35. The Independent National Assembly (Altajamu' Alwatani Almustakil) 36. Consultative Body for the Tribes of Abu Ghraib District (Haya'at Alra'iy li asha'ir Qadha' Abu Ghraib) 37. National Democratic Party (Alhizul Alqawmi Aldemocrati) 38. The Arabic Socialist Movement (Alharaka Alishtirakiya Alarabiya) 39. Iraqi Nationalists Movement (Haraket Alwataniyeen Aliraqiyeen) 40. The Free Muslims Assembly (Tajamu' Almuslimeen Al Hur) 41. Assembly of the Independent National Dignitaries (Tajamu' Alshakhsiyat Alwataniya Almustakilla) 42. The Progressive Union for the Students of Iraq (Alittihad Atakadumi li Talabet Aliraq) 43. The Union of the Women of the Republic (Ittiihad Nisa' Aljumhuriya) 44. The Will of the Women Forum (Hay'at Iradet Almar'a) 45. The Movement of the Progressive Message (Haraket Altakadum Alrisali - Alnajef Alashref) 46. Liberation Party (Hizb Altahrir) 47. The Iraqi Union in the United Kingdom (Alrabita Aliraqiya fi Almamlaka Almutahida) 48. United Iraq Party (Hizb Aliraq Almuwahad) 49. The Free Iraqi Society Party (Huzb Almujtama' Aliraqi Alhur) 50. The National Renewal Movement (Haraket Altajdid Alwatani) 51. Popular Democratic Assembly (Altajamu' Al-Sha'bi Aldimocrati) 52. Iraq Citizenship Trend (Tayar Almuwatana Aliraq) 53. The Iraqi National Saviour Front (Jabhet Alinqath Alwatani Aliraqiya) 54. Shaker El Haj Mukhlif, Editor El Madar Al Adabi, USA 55. Dr Shahd Malik Al Werd, Academic, USA 56. Dr Khaldoon Mohammed Faris, USA 57. Dr Mohammed Karim Al Jaaf, USA 58. Dr Ass'ad Karim Kittany, USA 59. Dr Mohammed Khalil Kanna, USA 60. Dr Wail Ghazwan Al Tikriti, USA 61. Dr Abbas Sabih Al Abdely, USA 62. Dr Tamather Munshid Al Imari, USA 63. Dr Huda Mohammed Al Hashimi, UK 64. Dr Maha Hassan Al Baghdadi, Professor of Ophthalmology, Texas University, USA 65. Reforms and Development Association, Baghdad (Jamiyat Alislah Wal Tanmiya), Baghdad 66. Abdul Illah Al Bayati, Intellectual, France 67. The National Front for the Intellectuals of Iraq (Aljabha Alwataniya li Muthaqafi Aliraq) Appendix (C) signatories on the petition of Iraqi intellectuals 1. Dr Shaker Alhaj Khalef, Editor, Almadar Aladabi, USA 2. Dr Shahd Malek Alward, academic 3. Dr Tamadhur Munshid Alimari, academic 4. Dr Khaldoun Mohamed Faris, academic 5. Dr Jumana Hasan Al Ayoubi, writer and academic 6. Dr Huda Alhashimi, writer and academic 7. Dr Mohamed Saied Alghazali, academic researcher 8. Karim Saied Alhaboubi, writer 9. Dr Mohamed Karim Aljaf, academic and researcher in the history of Iraq. 10. Dr Fatima Almahdi, journalist and university professor 11. Dr Layali Abdul Badie, writer 12. Dr Asaad Karim Kittani, international law professor 13. Dr Mohamed Khalil Kenna, professor of economics 14. Dr Abbas Sabih Alabdali, professor of international relations, academic researcher 15. Walid Rahim Almashta, writer 16. Dr Wail Ghazwan Altikriti, academic, researcher in modern history of Iraq. 17. Samira Abdul Karim, writer 18. Sawsan Abulnoor, writer, Egypt 19. Dr Iman Alnaqib, academic and researcher in the history of Arabic literature 20. Anwar Albasri, writer 21. Maha Hasan Albaghdadi, writer 22. Faiza Abdul Musin, writer 23. Wahab Mohamed Amin, writer. 24. Dr Wahid Wajdi, writer 25. Dr Sinan abdalla 26. Dr Jamila Muntaser, researcher in Middle-East affairs 27. Dr Akthem Abdul Baqi, petrochemicals expert 28. Jumana Abd Ali, writer 29. Dr Faris Ahmed Alazawi, academic researcher 30. Dr Abdul Ilah Khadouri, researcher in politics 31. Isam Khari karim, researcher in human rights 32. Mayada karem, writer 33. Dr Mohamed Akthem Alja'fari, writer 34. Daoud Yacoub, writer 35. Majid Abdul Hadi, writer 36. General Mahdi Karim Hantoush 37. Brigadier General Imad Khalil Aldulaimi 38. Brigadier Basil Mustafa Hamdan 39. Lieutenant-Colonel Amjed Halim Alhasan 40. Wijdan Amin, writer 41. Awni Qalamchi, writer, Official spokeman for the Iraqi National Alliance (Al Tahaluf Alwatani Aliraqi) 42. Shawket Khazender, writer, The National Democratic Communist Movement 43. Ridha Alshawk, political activist, The National Democratic Communist Movement 44. Ahmed Karim Taha, The National Democratic Communist Movement 45. Dr Shaker Alsaiedi, university professor 46. Professor Kamal majid, writer, university professor 47. Tahrir Abdul Samad Numan, teacher, women writes activist 48. Dr Ayhem Rahawi, university professor 49. Dr Khaled Ahmed, university professor 50. Munther Naman Aladhamai, researches in social sciences, Kings College, London University 51. Samir Alramadhani, university professor 52. Dr Khaled Salam, university professor, National Democratic Communist Movement. 53. Shawan Shawket Ahmed, teacher, Denmark 54. Soran Shawket Ahmed, teacher, Denmark 55. Bassam Shawket Ahmet, teacher, Denmark 56. Hussain Alhussaini, university student, Copenhagen 57. Najat Qalanji, engineer, Committee of the Defence of Truman, UK. 58. Dr Wajdi Jihadf Salih, political activist 59. Kadhem Mohamed Taqi, writer and political activist 60. Basil Aladhami, political activist, Iraqi Islamic Party 61. Barzan Ahmed Qader, independent nationalist 62. Sheikh Abdul Latif Alsaadi, Confederation of Writers and Publishers in Britain 63. Brigidair Salim Shaker Alimami, writer and strategy analyst 64. Khalil Alkubaisi, political activist 65. Abdulla Salman Alrubaie, political activist 66. Nawar Alramadhani, media 67. Fakhr Alhussainiwriter and media 68. Hasan Alhamdani, artist 69. Sabah Alrubaie, technician 70. Zainab Alrubaie, artist 71. Dr Nouri Alradi, Offcial Spokeman for the Iraqi Communist Party, Al Kader. 72. Iman Alsaadoun, writer 73. Dr Abdul Karim Al Ghaban, writer and political activist 74. Hamed Aljanabi, political activist 75. Abdul Rahman Alabbasi, political activist 76. Furat Alwan, supervisor, Voice Conversation Room, Freemen of Iraqi People (Ahrar Alshaab Aliraqi) 77. Sadoun Almashhadani, Member of the Arab National Congress 78. Baqir Alsarraf, write and political activist 79. Tariq Aldulaimi, writer 80. Amer Hadi Tharb, political activist 81. Dr Jasim Alkubaisi, political activist 82. Nada Alrubaie, writer womean writes activist 83. Alaa Aljawadi, political activist 84. Dr Jamal Alsamarie, writer 85. Omer Abdul Hafidh Alanai, political activist 86. Majed Ahmed Aldakhil 87. Dr Mohamed Alobaidi, write and university professor 88. Mohamed Alwaisi, reseracher in economics 89. Professor Dr Saad Daoud Qiyaqous, writer, professor, University of Ottawa, Canada 90. Dr Abdul Razzak Al Qaisi, social researcher, university professor 91. Labeed Alsumaidaie, political activist 92. Noah Alsharqi, politcal activist, Iraqi Communist Party, Al-Kader 93. Sabah Diebs, political activist and writer 94. Najib Khoshel Mansour, engineer 95. Ali Alrubaie, political activist 96. Mahasin Hanka', teacher 97. Dr Saied Ali Al Lami, political activist 98. Hind Alnuaimi, researcher, woman activist 99. Walid Aljubouri, political activist 100. Dr Amer Alkubaisi, political activist 101. Safa Alhadithi, engineer 102. Samir Obaid, writer and political analyst, Paris 103. Hasan Alrassam, artist, Sweden 104. Sawsan Sultan, engineer, Holland 105. Sabah Alshaher, writer and novelist, director of thawabit.com Website -- --The Postmaster - Iraqidiasapora Should you wish not to receive information on Iraq, please return this email and type the word 'unsubscribe' in the 'subject' window. - All Iraqidiapora emails are screened by an up-to-date antivirus program. - Iraqidiapora website is under construction. - We welcome donation to support this website and help us to convey the opinion of Iraqis in Diaspora to various governmental and non-governmental organisations and politicians. If you wish, please write to End of casi-news Digest _______________________________________ Sent via the CASI-analysis mailing list To unsubscribe, visit http://lists.casi.org.uk/mailman/listinfo/casi-analysis All postings are archived on CASI's website at http://www.casi.org.uk