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[ This message has been sent to you via the CASI-analysis mailing list ] This is an automated compilation of submissions to firstname.lastname@example.org Articles for inclusion in this daily news mailing should be sent to email@example.com. Please include a full reference to the source of the article. Today's Topics: 1. From Riverbend / Riots, Star Gazing and Cricket Choirs... (Hassan) 2. US-Sponsored chaos in Iraq? (ppg) 3. Iraqi polls bring secular success (Muhamed Ali) 4. The Iraqi democratic movement (=?iso-8859-1?q?The=20Iraq=20Solidarity=20Campaign?=) 5. Let's Make Enemies/ NAOMI KLEIN (Hassan) --__--__-- Message: 1 Date: Mon, 5 Apr 2004 04:04:45 -0700 (PDT) From: Hassan <hasseini@DELETETHISyahoo.com> Subject: From Riverbend / Riots, Star Gazing and Cricket Choirs... To: CASI newsclippings <firstname.lastname@example.org>, IAC discussion <email@example.com> http://riverbendblog.blogspot.com/ Sunday, April 04, 2004 Riots, Star Gazing and Cricket Choirs... There have been demonstrations by Al-Sadr's followers in Baghdad and Najaf. In Baghdad they are gathered near the Green Zone and the Sheraton hotel by the thousands- a huge angry mob, mostly in black. In Najaf,, they were just outside of the Spanish troops' camp. The demonstration in Najaf was shot at by the soldiers and they say that at least 14 are dead and dozens are wounded=85 An Iraqi friend in Diwaniya was telling me that they had to evacuate the CPA building in Najaf because it was under attack. He says there=92s talk of Jihad amongst the Shi=92a. Let me make it very clear right now that I am *not* a supporter of Al-Sadr. I do not like clerics who want to turn Iraq into the next Iran or Saudi Arabia or Kuwait=85 but it makes me really, really angry to see these demonstrations greeted with bullets and tanks by the troops. Why allow demonstrations if you're going to shoot at the people? The demonstrators were unarmed but angry- Al-Sadr's newspaper was shut down recently by Bremer and Co. and his deputy is said to have been detained by the Spaniards down south (although the Spanish troops are denying it). His followers are outraged, and believe me- he has a healthy number of followers. His father was practically revered by some of the Shi'a and he apparently has inherited their respect. Today Bremer also announced the fact that we now have an official 'Ministry of Defense'. The irony of the situation wasn't lost on Iraqis- the head of the occupation announcing a "Ministry of Defense". To defend against what? Occupation? Ha, ha=85 or maybe it's to secure the borders from unwelcome foreigners carrying guns and riding tanks? Or perhaps the Ministry of Defense should be more concerned with the extremists coming in from neighboring countries and taking over (but no- Bremer deals with them on the Puppet Council)=85 so many things to do for a Ministry of Defense. There's also a new 'Mukhaberat' or "National Iraqi Intelligence Organization" (or something to that effect). The irony is that while the name is new and the head is Ali Abd Ul Ameer Allawi (a relative of the Puppet Council President Ayad Allawi), the faces of the new Mukhaberat promise to be some of the same as the old. They've been contacting the old members of the Iraqi Mukhaberat for months and promising them lucrative jobs should they decide to join the new Iraqi intelligence (which, we hope, will be an improvement on American intelligence- I=92d hate to have us invade a country on false pretenses). The weather is quite nice lately (with the exception of dust every once in a while). We spend the electricity-less evenings out in the little garden. We pull out plastic chairs and a little plastic table and sit around gazing at the sky, which is marvelously clear on many nights. E. is thinking of starting a =91count the stars=92 project. He=92s going to allot a section of the sky to each member of the family and have them count the number of stars in their designated astral plot. I=92m thinking of starting a =91cricket choir=92 with some very talented six-legged pests located under a dried-out rose bush... In a few days, I=92ll have to go up and wash out the roof or =91sattih=92. Last year, we=92d sleep on top of the roof on the hot nights without electricity. We lay out thin mattresses on the clean ground and wet some sheets to cover ourselves with. It=92s not too bad until around 6 a.m. when the sun rises high in the sky and the flies descend upon the sleepers like... well, like flies. These last couple of weeks have been somewhat depressing for most people. You know how sometimes you look back at the past year and think to yourself, =93What was I doing last year, on this same day?=94 Well we=92ve been playing that game constantly lately. What was I doing last year, this very moment? I was listening for the sirens, listening for the planes and listening to the bombs fall. Now we just listen for the explosions- it=92s not the same thing. I haven=92t been sleeping very well either. I=92ve been having disturbing dreams lately... Dreams of being stuck under rubble or feeling the earth shudder beneath me as the windows rattle ominously. I know it has to do with the fact that every day we relive a little bit of the war- on television, on the radio, on the internet. I=92m seeing some of the images for the very first time because we didn=92t have electricity last year during the war and it really is painful. It=92s hard to believe that we lived through so much... - posted by river @ 9:35 PM __________________________________ Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Small Business $15K Web Design Giveaway http://promotions.yahoo.com/design_giveaway/ --__--__-- Message: 2 From: "ppg" <ppg@DELETETHISnyc.rr.com> To: <firstname.lastname@example.org> Subject: US-Sponsored chaos in Iraq? Date: Mon, 5 Apr 2004 11:29:45 -0400 The chaos theory in action By Mark LeVine http://tinyurl.com/3394u (AsiaTimes on line, Apr 6, 2004 ) It is perhaps hard for Americans to understand their occupation of Iraq in the context of globalization. But Iraq today is clearly the epicenter of that trend, and in this context chaos is king. Here, military force was used to seize control of the world's most important commodity, oil. While corporate prospectors allied with the US search the country like safari hunters on elephants for any opportunity to profit from Iraq's misery - that's how conspicuous they are - inside the Green Zone their innocuous-looking counterparts draft regulations for privatizing everything from health care to prisons. **** It is chaos that makes this whole system possible. Without the chaos, Iraqis would not allow the country to be sold off wholesale, or allow the US troops to remain after the June 30 "transfer" of sovereignty. Without chaos, there is little reason to assume that the imposition of neo-liberal globalization, which has wreaked such havoc in so many other countries of the developing world, would be in the process of entrenchment in Iraq. Without the chaos, there would be more reporting on the appalling conditions in the hospitals and schools, which are violations of the US obligations as occupying power under the Geneva and Hague Conventions. Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) contractors would have to budget more than US$10,000 to "rehabilitate" each school, and certainly couldn't get a way with a $1,000 paint job, pocketing the rest. Anesthesiologists wouldn't be stuck with surplus needles that are so long they can't be used on children and shorter people, who have to get the more dangerous c-line procedure for lack of the correct $1 instrument. It is also chaos that allows the mainstream press to focus on the overt violence without addressing what an unmitigated disaster the occupation is viewed holistically. As I was writing this article, I received a call from a major TV news program to join a panel on Falluja. After a 40 minute pre-interview, the producer decided that I "didn't fit into the mix" of the guests he was putting together, which wound up being three middle-aged men: a retired general, colonel and a professor, none of whom had driven on the road to Falluja, and none of whom dared discuss the roots of the deepening quagmire in Iraq. ***** If Iraq is sliding toward chaos, this is exactly where most Iraqis believe the US wants them to be. A prominent Iraqi psychiatrist who has worked with the CPA and US military explained to me that "there is no way the United States can be this incompetent. The chaos here has to be at least partly deliberate." The main question on most people's minds is not if his assertion is true, but why. In this context, the sending of foreign contractors into Falluja in late-model SUVs with armed escorts - down a street clogged with traffic where they would literally be sitting ducks - only feeds suspicion that the US is deliberately instigating more violence as a pretext for "punishment" and further chaos courtesy of the US military. **** Not surprisingly, the angry mob dragging the mutilated American corpses down those streets carried posters of Sheikh Yassin, the slain Hamas leader. In the minds of most Iraqis, America greenlighted his assassination by the Israelis. If we realize that companies like Blackwater Security services (whose personnel were killed in Falluja) constitute a $100 billion a year business, it's hard to imagine how the people in charge - all well-trained military personnel with lots of combat experience - couldn't foresee they were sending their people into a death trap. Or is it possible that they are that arrogant and that ignorant? I'm not sure which is worse. Colgate University professor Nancy Ries describes the chaos in Iraq as "sponsored chaos", which fits into the broad definition of chaos theory as an ordered system or purpose underlying seemingly random events. That is, war and occupation are wonderful opportunities for corporations to make billions of dollars in profits, unchecked by the laws and regulations that hamper their profitability in peace time. Because of this, in the postmodern global era, global corporations and the government elites with whom they work have great incentive to sponsor global chaos and the violence it generates. Several recent books, such as Joma Nazpary's Post-Soviet Chaos or Vadim Volkov's Violent Entrepreneurs, explore how the chaos of the post-Soviet era enabled a "counter-revolution" in Russia and countries like Kazakhstan, where competing networks of groups, from criminal gangs and political parties to families and friends, all compete for resources in the decidedly one-sided contest for power and wealth that is the globalized market economy. Iraq is sadly following this trend. Yet if Jonathan Steele argued in the Guardian that the US is "creating its own Gaza" through the chaos in Iraq, for me the application of the chaos theory there has created a strange mix of Gaza and Tel Aviv: on the one hand there's the violence of the resistance against the occupation, which feels like Gaza or Nablus - at least you know who your enemy is and who's shooting at whom. But on top of it is the violence of Iraqis against Iraqis - the suicide bombings and assassinations whose randomness gives one the feeling of living in Tel Aviv. Put the two together and the tenseness and violence of daily life in the main cities of Iraq is hard to bear, and it's only going to get worse. Worst of all, the chaos and insecurity make it impossible for civil society to produce an alternative political discourse either for collaboration with or violent religious opposition to the occupation. **** The day I returned home I spoke to a leading scholar of Iraqi Shi'ism, who firmly argued against the notion that the US was deliberately stoking the flames of chaos: "Believe me," he said, "they are that incompetent." And perhaps he's right - at least from 10,000 miles away a lot of the mess that is Iraq can be explained by the combination of arrogance, ignorance and ideological bolshevism of the political and military leadership in the Bush administration, coupled with the greed of their corporate sponsors. But when you're on the ground and you experience the daily impact and scale of the chaos, it's much harder not to understand the situation at least as a combination of what one activist described as "the chaos that is the occupation, plus the chaos the US is specifically creating to further the occupation". Whatever the cause, a lot of Iraqis and Americans are dying needlessly - unless you consider that the billions being made off the occupation, and the larger war on terror, is worth the price in blood and hatred. Mark LeVine is assistant professor of history at the University of California, Irvine. He is the co-editor, with Pilar Perez and Viggo Mortensen, of Twilight of Empire: Responses to Occupation (Perceval Press, 2003) and author of the forthcoming tentatively titled Why They Don't Hate Us: Islam and the World in the Age of Globalization (Oneworld Publications, 2004). --__--__-- Message: 3 Subject: Iraqi polls bring secular success Date: Mon, 5 Apr 2004 17:20:10 +0100 From: "Muhamed Ali" <Muhamed.Ali@DELETETHISHackney.gov.uk> To: <email@example.com> [ Presenting plain-text part of multi-format email ] Dear colleagues, Jonathan Steele in Nassiriya Monday April 5, 2004 The Guardian <http://www.guardian.co.uk> http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,1185644,00.html "Neither of the two Islamist candidates was among the 10 elected. A woman teacher got in,.. In Shatra, a town of 250,000, the Communist party won four seats and independents seven. Partly because of.." 2. "Israeli envoy lashes out at British Left." "Former peace negotiator accuses politicians and media of anti-Semitism Jason Burke, chief reporter Sunday April 4, 2004 The Observer <http://www.observer.co.uk> " http://observer.guardian.co.uk/politics/story/0,6903,1185351,00.html Regards, Muhamad London Borough of Hackney may exercise its right to intercept any communication on its networks - for more information see http://www.hackney.gov.uk/council/data/email_disclaimer.htm --__--__-- Message: 4 Date: Mon, 5 Apr 2004 16:59:47 +0100 (BST) From: =?iso-8859-1?q?The=20Iraq=20Solidarity=20Campaign?= <mcr_coalition@DELETETHISyahoo.co.uk> Reply-To: MCR_Coalition@yahoo.co.uk Subject: The Iraqi democratic movement To: MCR_Coalition@yahoo.co.uk, firstname.lastname@example.org Here is an article spelling out the differences between the Iraqi Communist Party, which is part of the recently established governing council, and the Worker-Communist party of Iraq. I hope that you find it of interest. OUR DIFFERENCES * Which are the differences between the Working Communist Party of Iraq and the Communist Party Iraki '? By Ahmad Rebwar, leader of the Working Communist Party of Iraq. With the expansion of the activity of the Working Communist Party of Iraq in the center and the south of Iraq, the emergency of the party as an influential and radical Marxist force in the Iraqian political life, and our capacity to attract the Arab attention of ample sectors of the iraqi masses and other countries and Arab mass media towards our policies and points of view, a question arises: Which are the differences between the Working Communist Party of Iraq and the Communist Party Iraqi '? Here, I will be centered in the central differences. In order to respond this question, I must say in advance that these two parties are different in everything. Nevertheless, in this article, I will only mention the main aspects of the differences, some political, historical and practical examples of the roll and the activity of both. In spite of everything, the differences are much more extensive and all in this article cannot be mentioned. Two different movements the most substantial difference between these two parties is that they belong to two different movements. The Iraqian Communist Party (PCI) is the party of the movement reformist-nationalist (here, nationalism is used like an ample term or in the way in which nationalism is used in English and not in the way in which it is used in Arab political Literature). The PCI, like any other nationalistic party, as its main motto (Free Nation and Happy Town) is centered in releasing to the nation. The Iraqian Communist Party in its program and Literature clarify that by?felicidad of the town? they mean to develop to the industry and national economy and to prescribe the Capitalism of state like economic alternative. In agreement with the point of view of the PCI, the town, constituted by pressed the opresora capitalist class and the working class and town deprived of everything, will live happily in a nation released with a developed capitalist economy. The PCI was founded at the beginning of years 30 of the last century to reach this objective following the bourgeois model, that prevailed in the Soviet Union after the failure of the Revolution of October at the end of years 20 of the last century. In other words, the Iraqian Communist Party is one of the parties of the bourgeois communist currents, and was founded to obtain a bourgeois objective in a certain period of time, using the prestige of the marxism. On the other hand, the Working Communist Party of Iraq is part of the socialist movement of the working class against the capitalist system. This movement fights by a free world of oppression, division of classes, deprivations and penalties, that accompany the capitalist system. This objective is one of the principles of the Working Communist Party of Iraq. This party was founded the 21 of 1993 July, based on the lessons of Marx. It is a Marxist current whose theoretical and political principles were outlined by Hekmat Mansur. It is the continuation of the traditions of the Commune of Paris and the Revolution of October. Before the foundation of the PCOI, the Communist Labor movement it appeared for the first time like a movement socially different in the Iraqian Kurdist=B7n in the context from the movement of the advice of March of 1991. Since then until the foundation of the party, the Working Comunism was represented by few organizations and political groups, who directed to the fight of the workers and another people destitute in the society. Hekmat Mansur, the leader of the Working Communist movement, that analyzed the today world from the Marxist point of view and wrote the program it working revolution and to organize the socialist society, emphasized that he used the word working Comunism in the same way that Marx used the word Comunism, to differentiate his movement from the prevalecientes bourgeois Comunisms. The objective by which the PCOI only fights will do reality through a socialist revolution by the working-class, overthrowing to the capitalist system, abolishing the private property and the wage-earning work, and constructing a society based on the base of the common property. Reality through constructing a society will become where there will be no social classes and where people will work does not stop to gain the life but for the prosperity of the society in the measurement that all the necessities of the town will be assured by the society. Two visions different from the freedom and the socialism the Iraqian Communist Party, like any other nationalistic party, thinks that freedom means to release the nation of the forces that (in agreement with the PCI) occupy it, and that the happiness of the town will be reached obtaining that objective. Let us think that this point of view is very ingenuous, in the measurement that so many nations have gotten rid of all class of foreign occupation and even so the vast majority of its citizens is private of freedom and happiness and undergoes many forms of oppression and operation. The vision of the freedom of the Working Communist Party of Iraq is quite different from this. According to the PCOI, freedom means emancipation of the kingdom of the capital and the relations of wage-earning work in our society, of the suppression of all the forms of discrimination, including nun, ethnic and sexual. This freedom cannot be reached without abolishing the private property and the wage-earning work. For the Iraqian Communist Party, like for other bourgeois parties, the socialism, without considering which means for them, is ut=DBpico or is something who will happen spontaneously with time in the process of the development of the society. They only use socialism to extend the illusions between the pressed classes. The real objective of the Iraqian Communist Party or more indeed, its socialism, in the model mentioned in its program and press, is in fact one capitalist society outpost, where a patriotic bourgeois democratic state is the superstructure. Nevertheless, the socialism from the point of view of the PCOI, is a real and crucial objective, to himself can be and must today be reached in the present society, in the measurement that all the objective requirements to construct such society are available. To reach this objective rests in the volundad and real practice of the human beings. If the working-class and the masses seeking destitutes of the equality are able to organize they themselves around their party of vanguard, and to put themselves today in the center of the scene, they will be able to reach this historical task and thus they will be able to reach the happiness and the prosperity after all the members of the society. The advance in the productive industry and capacities, that is the result of the human efforts, has reached a level that to obtain the socialism, that is to say, a free society of operation, division of classes and wage-earning work, is possible in the slowst countries of the world. It is possible to construct a society based on the principle of which?de everyone according to its capacity, to everyone according to its necessities. The political power of this system is a working government, that is to say, a socialist republic. In other words, it is a state based on the advice or soviets. Two different points of view on the reforms the reforms that the Iraqian Communist Party requests very are limited and trivial. It looks for to make some inadequate improvements in the standards of life of the masses. On the other hand, the Working Communist Party of Iraq fights to organize a socialist revolution and meanwhile, fights by economic, political, social and cultural the reforms deeper and of more long reach in the lives of all the citizens. The PCOI thinks that during as much time as Capitalism prevails, to obtain these reforms will help the workers to organize its revolution and to construct a socialist society. The reforms that the Iraqian Communist Party has requested always have been without base; therefore, he has not been able to practically make them during his whole life and thus it has failed in making the lightest improvement in the society. We say without base, because in a country like Iraq, like one of the call Third World, there is base no to obtain such bourgeois reforms. The reason is simple; in these countries, the bourgeois dominion, in agreement with the capitalist economy, must be dictatorial and opresivo, and this is contradicted with the bourgeois reforming policy. This very little makes the possibility probable of finding bases to implement bourgeois reforms similar to those of Europe. The only reforms that have real base are those that are imposed to the bourgeoisie by the left of the society and the labor movement. Therefore, we say that the fight of the Working Comunism by the reform and to improve the conditions of life has a real base, because the Working Communist Party of Iraq makes an effort to impose them to the bourgeoisie intensifying the political and social pressure of the working class, the masses destitutes and the left to it in general. Different traditions and political and practical norms the Iraqian Communist Party makes an effort to obtain its bourgeois objectives by means of the formation of several coalitions and alliances. For this intention, the PCI is not checked to make alliances with all the bourgeois forces more reactionaries and enemies of the freedom. After the collapse of the monarchy, when the working-class in Iraq well was organized and had an enormous potential, and whereas the PCI enjoyed an enormous influence and was able to take the power, simply it was grouped behind the bourgeois government of Abdul Karim Quasim and thus it prevented the workers to take the power. After the blow of the Baaz in 1963, the bloody regime sent to a fierce attack against the workers and the movement of the left; killing to hundreds of them, including members of the same PCI. Instead of remaining next to the workers and the left against these attacks, the PCI fought to justify them with several excuses. Later, the PCI was united to a long term alliance with the baazistas and portrayed their bloody regime like a force that fought by the socialism, and when doing it thus, they contributed to stabilize its regime. When the regime of the Baath began to assault to the PCI and to tighten its claw around its neck, the PCI escaped to the Kurdist=B7n and began to make alliances with the Kurd etnoc=C8ntricos parties against which it had fought while it was allied to the regime of the Baaz. During last the 12 years, all the bourgeois forces tried to obtain to the power aligning themselves they themselves with the United States and supporting their cruel policies. The Iraqian Communist Party worked with all these forces, including the etnoc=C8ntricos parties and the Islamic bands. It was united to alliances with them and it attended congresses and meetings organized by the department of North American state and its agencies of espionage. In the Kurdist=B7n, the PCI participated in the authority of the military service armed of the tribal parties and etnoc=C8ntricos Kurds with object to obtain some privileges. Continuous supporting its dominion, to which it needs any legitimacy. In the course of their blind support to the reactionary policies of those parties, the PCI him has returned the back to desires, exigencies and protests of several social movements, that have emerged against these parties and their cruel and opresivas practices. This way, the PCI has participated in the penalties, destruction and carried out calamities by those parties against the town in the Kurdist=B7n. Still more, it was united in alliance with the reactionaries and terrorists Islamic forces. With object to prepare the land for such alliances, the PCI did not not only unmask the policies and behavior of the reactionary bourgeois forces, but that also was arranged to conceal political the reactionary essence and of class of its crimes. Nevertheless, the PCOI always has insisted on the independence of the base of workers and workers and fought to separate their rows in the fronts political and organizational of the bourgeois forces, and to organize them around communist and objective policies of class independence. It has always criticized the policies and practices of all the bourgeois forces and unmasked his reactionary and cruel essence raising to the conscience of the workers and workers. It has fought to prevent that these forces implemented their policies. Still more,el PCOI has been in continuous confrontation with these forces on the rights and exigencies of the workers and the masses destitutes, and has sacrificed and faced many penalties in this way. The Iraqian Communist Party is an opportunistic party. He is lay when it is between lay, democratic when it is between democrats, nationalist when it is between nationalists, and even Islamic when it is between Islamic. In agreement with their program, the PCI is lay, nevertheless, at a political level and practical, it does not represent the lay forces of any way. It hides information to the masses. It fulfills the norms and reactionary religious traditions and it defends them. In acute resistance with Marx who said that the religion was the opium of the town, the PCI declares that the Islam is a revolutionary and liberating religion, and portrays to the opresivos leaders of the Islamic movements like egalitarian lovers of the freedom. The idiot USA excuses like respecting the?tab=B7es of the town? in order to justify its enthusiastic participation in the religious ceremonies. In acute resistance with Marx who said that the workers do not have nation, the Communist Party Iraqian flame to the workers to sacrifice itself in name of the ground of the nation. He glorifies the false national organization, and thus he turns to the workers and workers a reserve army reserves for the nationalistic movement. He supports the concept of pardon of class between workers and the bourgeoisie, and therefore, asks to him the workers who jeopardize and leave their interests in name of their citizen companions, the bourgeoisie, and fights against the workers of other nationalities and forget the common interests of class the workers of all the nationalities. On the other hand, based on the lessons of Marx, the PCOI is the party of the extreme left (maximalista) and is extremely radical. It criticizes the religion and he is strongly against racism and the patriarcado one. It is an extremist party in his humanismo and igualitarismo. It bravely confronts any class of reaction and inequality. It reveals all the information to the masses and frankly it announces the position of the Comunism on the religion. It unmasks the religious superstition as a tool for the deceit, that divides to the town and imposes the deprivations and the inequality on the society. One is against to divide to the human beings on the base of the nationality, religion, sex or race. All these characteristics are not only political positions for the PCOI but also organizational principles around which it fights daily. Two different social tendencies?la right and the left? The Iraqian Communist Party, that once it affirmed to be a left force and it had been associated to itself somehow with the Comunism, now is unequivocally in the right of the society and has left its previous pretensions. It changed his whole political program at the end of the eighty and principles of the ninety, when international events took place enormous. As it were mentioned before, this party was a party reformist-nationalist who belonged to one of the blocks of the bipolar world. When the state Capitalism reached an impasse and with the collapse of the Soviet field, the PCI, like other similar parties of East Europe and Third World Countries, it reached an impasse. Many of these parties or have dissolved they themselves, or changed their names and followed the wave of?democracia. The PCI had to follow the same way and it did it but of a different way. In 1991 the PCI leagued together to itself to the North American policies and their plans for Iraq. To the PCI an abject position in the periphery of the North American plans for Iraq and in its conflict with then the governing regime of the Baaz occurred him. Therefore, the PCI more does not have the slightest relation with the workers, the left or the Comunism, even if it raises thousands of flags decorated with the sickle and the hammer. To the PCI it needs the basic characteristics of the left and is intrenched in the front of the right. In fact, the patriotism of the PCI is totally without poor base and, and therefore their nationalistic and patriotic policies contradictory and are dominated by hipocres=CCa and the evasividad. On the one hand, it shares positions with the Arab nationalism and it has been united by a time in coalitions with the Arab nationalistic parties more extremely chovinistas. On the other hand, it shares positions with the Kurd nationalistic movement and it is united in coalitions with his tribal parties. This happens while these two movements (the nationalistic movements Arab and Kurd) have been in continuous fight one against the other in the last decades. Therefore, the PCI has been incapable to even make sure a simple strongpoint in those equations, and is lost even the weak influence that once it had. In resistance, the Working Communist Party of Iraq represents the tendency of left in the society in all the fronts. It maintains in stop the flag of the left, the workers and the Comunism and creates a pole Marxist (maximalista) radical brave and ambitious in the society. It directs to the left in the dominions theoretical, political and practical. Facing the pole of rights, the PCOI defends to the left and their exigencies. Some examples of the political and practical positions of both divided mentioned-above are the main social and political differentiating characteristics of both divided. On the base of these fundamental differences, each one of both started off took different positions on different subjects and events. I will mention some of them here._The PCI, like other bourgeois parties, supported the second Gulf War (the first war of the United States against Iraq) by the United States, with object to impose their hegemony on the world with the excuse to give back to the Kuwaiti sheik to the power. It supported the war, that was in a massacre against the town of Iraq, and seated the arrogance of the United States on the world. On the other hand, the working communist movement stayed with all its forces against this war. While the working Comunism was fighting to overthrow to the regime of the Baaz, it emphasized that the liberation of the Iraqian society could not be a result of the bloody North American war._The PCI openly and from the beginning supported the cruel policy of the economic embargo against the irak=CCes masses, once again under the excuse of which this policy, that was in the genocide and the starvation for the masses of irak=CCes, would debilitate to the regime. Nevertheless, with the increasing pressure of the public opinion against the consequences of the economic sanctions, the PCI made a retirement partial and took an opportunistic central position demanding a conditional rise from the economic sanctions. It demanded to?levantar the sanctions on the Iraqian town and to increase the pressure on the dictatorship. On the one hand, this exigency reflected a hope in which the United States would debilitate to the regime and finally they would establish a democratic regime and on the other hand, in practical terms, this exigency did not have meaning._In a third step, when the deadly consequences of the economic sanctions became clear and after the western United States and their allies fell under the enormous pressure of international the public opinion, the PCI made another opportunistic change in their position and demanded the unconditional rise of the economic sanctions on?pueblo iraki '. The opposition of rights including a the PCI affirmed that resolution 986 raised to the sanctions on?pueblo iraki '? and it maintained them on the regime. The PCI affirmed that its position was in support of the masses, but in fact was an evasive and deceptive position, that it avoided to take a clear position towards a specific subject, the imposed economic penalties on Iraq._On the other hand, the working Comunism and the Working Communist Party of Iraq condemned this policy from the same first day as a cruel policy and remained firmly against her. Throughout 12 years, the Working Communist Party of Iraq fought in different dominions from world-wide scale to mobilize to world-wide the public opinion to raise the sanctions._While the United States was being prepared to send the Third Gulf War against Iraq, the Iraqian Communist Party, took an opportunistic position again. It remained behind the divided otrros bourgeois, that supported the policy of the United States and they were prepared very well to distribute the fruits of this war. At the same time, the PCI announced to the Iraqian public opinion that was against the war. Abroad, it tried to try that it was with the movement antiwar and that had a position antiwar, but practically did not do anything against her. At the same time, the Kurd branch of the PCI participated through its direction, including its secretary, in the Congress of London of the self-appointed forces of Iraqian opposition. In this congress, the etnoc=C8ntricos groups, the Islamic forces and the mercenarios of the company were united with the departments of state and defense of the United States and the Government of the United Kingdom. The PCI signed the declaration of closing of this congress. This extremely reactionary declaration (religious, nationalistic, tribal and patriarcal) is a document of support of these nationalistic and Islamic forces to the war of the United States. On the other hand, the PCOI strongly condemned the warmongering policy of the United States and its war and permaneci=DBn against her. The Working Communist Party of Iraq was the only Iraqian force that remained against the war and was active between the masses within Iraq. It was also an effective force in the movement antiwar abroad._After the collapse of the regime of the Baaz and the beginning of the North American and British occupation of Iraq, the Iraqian Communist Party, like other bourgeois parties, supported the North American occupation of the?naci=DBn? under the pretext to overthrow to the regime of the Baaz. Now, it supports the idea that the North American forces remain in Iraq. In relation to the nature of the political regime in Iraq, looks for to make sure a position in the?democr=B7tica administration? North American. The PCI has been united to other reactionary, Islamic, etnoc=C8ntricos and tribal parties, and supports their plan to establish an ethnic federation and to introduce a constitution based on the religion, the etnicidad and tribalismo.. The PCOI on the other hand fights by the immediate retirement of the North American and British forces and to establish a direct regime of the masses. Fight to establish a nonreligious nor nationalistic but civil and civilized authority, that treats to all the citizens without considering its nationality, religion, sex or race, and is able to provide food, security and freedom for all. The best government, than can assure all these exigencies, is the socialist republic, that can end all the obstacles that the humanity faces and also end all class of oppression and operation. This clear one of the differences above-mentioned and the political positions taken by both divided, no that similarity or no relation among them are. Still more, there is greater political similarity and practically between the bourgeois PCI and other parties. Therefore, instead of asking to us which are your differences with the PCI? The question would have to be directed to the PCI; which are your differences with the other bourgeois parties, that support to the North American and British troops in Iraq, the federal provisional government and the integration of the religion in the state and the education? Conclusions: Finally, I would like to say to him to the left in the society that Iraq has entered a new stage and that the Iraqian political sand is open before all the social movements, including naturally, the communist movement, working and of lefts. In this new stage, the PCI has taken their clear one and opened position next to the forces from right in the society, next to the United States and of the Islamic and etnoc=C8ntricas forces. It does not have leftist or communist characteristics. The Working Communist Party of Iraq at the moment raises the flag of the left and the Comunism. This party directs the fight by the working revolution, the freedom, the equality and the realistic reforming policy. Ten years ago this party gave form to its political and social principles and formulated all the objectives and aspirations of the left in its written program and political. With organized bases, the PCOI permanee firmly jeopardizes with their program, facing the rightist forces. Therefore, it is necessary for all those that are considered to themselves like part of the left which they share the objectives of the working class and their hope to see a better world, to rethink the present situation of the PCI. Necesitan to reexaminar its political and social position, without considering their historical relations with that party, and leaving their rows and to be united to the PCOI as so many Communists and activists of left have done during last the ten years. During this period many of which they were considered to themselves as it leaves from the left of the society arrived at us lead by objective humanists and egalitarian and they were united to the PCOI and thus they began the new history for they themselves. The comrade Hekmat Kotani, the good well-known figure of Iraqian the labor movement and communist was an example of this tendency, and very quickly she took a position leader in our party. In the present atmosphere in Iraq, the position that one adopts is obvious for all. The PCI is part of the right and the front in favor of the United States and other reactionary forces, even although outside able to put like a left force or to realcionar to itself with the left and the Comunism until 1991. The PCI is not the continuation of their last history because there are lost all the leftist characteristics and it has become part from the right. Now it is being revolviendo in the orbit of the United States and has assumed political rightists in all the fields. The leftists and Communists have their own direction now, and therefore they do not need more to resort to the PCI. The special importance of the PCOI is that it has differentiated and separated the rows of the left of the rightist forces. This party is part of a working and egalitarian front; it is directing to the fight by a better world and a socialist society. I call to all the Communists and leftists to be united to this party and to use it as a tool of fight and fortification of the movement until the victory. The victory of the workers, the Comunism of lefts and the human aspirations, rest in the victory of this party. ____________________________________________________ __________________________ * This article was published first in the newspaper in Arab of the PCOI?El Working Communist. Later, it was translated and printed in two parts in the newspaper in English of the PCOI?Adelante. http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Iraqisolidarity =3D=3D=3D=3D=3D The Iraq Solidarity Campaign ___________________________________________________________ How much mail storage do you get for free? Yahoo! Mail gives you 6MB! Get Yahoo! Mail http://uk.mail.yahoo.com --__--__-- Message: 5 Date: Sun, 4 Apr 2004 23:33:27 -0700 (PDT) From: Hassan <hasseini@DELETETHISyahoo.com> Subject: Let's Make Enemies/ NAOMI KLEIN To: CASI newsclippings <email@example.com> http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=3D20040419&s=3Dklein column | Posted April 1, 2004 LOOKOUT by NAOMI KLEIN Let's Make Enemies Baghdad =93Do you have any rooms?" we ask the hotelier. She looks us over, dwelling on my travel partner's bald, white head. "No," she replies. We try not to notice that there are sixty room keys in pigeonholes behind her desk--the place is empty. "Will you have a room soon? Maybe next week?" She hesitates. "Ahh... No." We return to our current hotel--the one we want to leave because there are bets on when it is going to get hit--and flick on the TV: The BBC is showing footage of Richard Clarke's testimony before the September 11 Commission, and a couple of pundits are arguing about whether invading Iraq has made America safer. They should try finding a hotel room in this city, where the US occupation has unleashed a wave of anti-American rage so intense that it now extends not only to US troops, occupation officials and their contractors but also to foreign journalists, aid workers, their translators and pretty much anyone else associated with the Americans. Which is why we couldn't begrudge the hotelier her decision: If you want to survive in Iraq, it's wise to stay the hell away from people who look like us. (We thought about explaining that we were Canadians, but all the American reporters are sporting the maple leaf--that is, when they aren't trying to disappear behind their newly purchased headscarves.) US occupation chief Paul Bremer hasn't started wearing a hijab yet, and is instead tackling the rise of anti-Americanism with his usual foresight. Baghdad is blanketed with inept psy-ops organs like Baghdad Now, filled with fawning articles about how Americans are teaching Iraqis about press freedom. "I never thought before that the Coalition could do a great thing for the Iraqi people," one trainee is quoted saying. "Now I can see it on my eyes what they are doing good things for my country and the accomplishment they made. I wish my people can see that, the way I see it." Unfortunately, the Iraqi people recently saw another version of press freedom when Bremer ordered US troops to shut down a newspaper run by supporters of Muqtada al-Sadr. The militant Shiite cleric has been preaching that Americans are behind the attacks on Iraqi civilians and condemning the interim constitution as a "terrorist law." So far, al-Sadr has refrained from calling on his supporters to join the armed resistance, but many here are predicting that the closing down of the newspaper--a nonviolent means of resisting the occupation--was just the push he needed. But then, recruiting for the resistance has always been a specialty of the Presidential Envoy to Iraq: Bremer's first act after being tapped by Bush was to fire 400,000 Iraqi soldiers, refuse to give them their rightful pensions but allow them to hold on to their weapons--in case they needed them later. While US soldiers were padlocking the door of the newspaper's office, I found myself at what I thought would be an oasis of pro-Americanism, the Baghdad Soft Drinks Company. On May 1 this bottling plant will start producing one of the most powerful icons of American culture: Pepsi-Cola. I figured that if there was anyone left in Baghdad willing to defend the Americans, it would be Hamid Jassim Khamis, the Baghdad Soft Drinks Company's managing director. I was wrong. "All the trouble in Iraq is because of Bremer," Khamis told me, flanked by a line-up of thirty Pepsi and 7-Up bottles. "He didn't listen to Iraqis. He doesn't know anything about Iraq. He destroyed the country and tried to rebuild it again, and now we are in chaos." These are words you would expect to hear from religious extremists or Saddam loyalists, but hardly from the likes of Khamis. It's not just that his Pepsi deal is the highest-profile investment by a US multinational in Iraq's new "free market." It's also that few Iraqis supported the war more staunchly than Khamis. And no wonder: Saddam executed both of his brothers and Khamis was forced to resign as managing director of the bottling plant in 1999 after Saddam's son Uday threatened his life. When the Americans overthrew Saddam, "You can't imagine how much relief we felt," he says. After the Baathist plant manager was forced out, Khamis returned to his old job. "There is a risk doing business with the Americans," he says. Several months ago, two detonators were discovered in front of the factory gates. And Khamis is still shaken from an attempted assassination three weeks ago. He was on his way to work when he was carjacked and shot at, and there was no doubt that this was a targeted attack; one of the assailants was heard asking another, "Did you kill the manager?" Khamis used to be happy to defend his pro-US position, even if it meant arguing with friends. But one year after the invasion, many of his neighbors in the industrial park have gone out of business. "I don't know what to say to my friends anymore," he says. "It's chaos." His list of grievances against the occupation is long: corruption in the awarding of reconstruction contracts, the failure to stop the looting, the failure to secure Iraq's borders--both from foreign terrorists and from unregulated foreign imports. Iraqi companies, still suffering from the sanctions and the looting, have been unable to compete. Most of all, Khamis is worried about how these policies have fed the country's unemployment crisis, creating far too many desperate people. He also notes that Iraqi police officers are paid less than half what he pays his assembly line workers, "which is not enough to survive." The normally soft-spoken Khamis becomes enraged when talking about the man in charge of "rebuilding" Iraq. "Paul Bremer has caused more damage than the war, because the bombs can damage a building but if you damage people there is no hope." I have gone to the mosques and street demonstrations and listened to Muqtada al-Sadr's supporters shout "Death to America, Death to the Jews," and it is indeed chilling. But it is the profound sense of betrayal expressed by a pro-US businessman running a Pepsi plant that attests to the depths of the US-created disaster here. "I'm disappointed, not because I hate the Americans," Khamis tells me, "but because I like them. And when you love someone and they hurt you, it hurts even more." When we leave the bottling plant in late afternoon, the streets of US-occupied Baghdad are filled with al-Sadr supporters vowing bloody revenge for the attack on their newspaper. A spokesperson for Bremer is defending the decision on the grounds that the paper "was making people think we were out to get them." A growing number of Iraqis are certainly under that impression, but it has far less to do with an inflammatory newspaper than with the inflammatory actions of the US occupation authority. As the June 30 "handover" approaches, Paul Bremer has unveiled a slew of new tricks to hold on to power long after "sovereignty" has been declared. Some recent highlights: At the end of March, building on his Order 39 of last September, Bremer passed yet another law further opening up Iraq's economy to foreign ownership, a law that Iraq's next government is prohibited from changing under the terms of the interim constitution. Bremer also announced the establishment of several independent regulators, which will drastically reduce the power of Iraqi government ministries. For instance, the Financial Times reports that "officials of the Coalition Provisional Authority said the regulator would prevent communications minister Haider al-Abadi, a thorn in the side of the coalition, from carrying out his threat to cancel licenses the coalition awarded to foreign-managed consortia to operate three mobile networks and the national broadcaster." The CPA has also confirmed that after June 30, the $18.4 billion the US government is spending on reconstruction will be administered by the US Embassy in Iraq. The money will be spent over five years and will fundamentally redesign Iraq's most basic infrastructure, including its electricity, water, oil and communications sectors, as well as its courts and police. Iraq's future governments will have no say in the construction of these core sectors of Iraqi society. Retired Rear Adm. David Nash, who heads the Project Management Office, which administers the funds, describes the $18.4 billion as "a gift from the American people to the people of Iraq." He appears to have forgotten the part about gifts being something you actually give up. And in the same eventful week, US engineers began construction on fourteen "enduring bases" in Iraq, capable of housing the 110,000 soldiers who will be posted here for at least two more years. Even though the bases are being built with no mandate from an Iraqi government, Brig. Gen. Mark Kimmitt, deputy chief of operations in Iraq, called them "a blueprint for how we could operate in the Middle East." The US occupation authority has also found a sneaky way to maintain control over Iraq's armed forces. Bremer has issued an executive order stating that even after the interim Iraqi government has been established, the Iraqi army will answer to US commander Lieut. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez. In order to pull this off, Washington is relying on a legalistic reading of a clause in UN Security Council Resolution 1511, which puts US forces in charge of Iraq's security until "the completion of the political process" in Iraq. Since the "political process" in Iraq is never-ending, so, it seems, is US military control. In the same flurry of activity, the CPA announced that it would put further constraints on the Iraqi military by appointing a national security adviser for Iraq. This US appointee would have powers equivalent to those held by Condoleezza Rice and will stay in office for a five-year term, long after Iraq is scheduled to have made the transition to a democratically elected government. There is one piece of this country, though, that the US government is happy to cede to the people of Iraq: the hospitals. On March 27 Bremer announced that he had withdrawn the senior US advisers from Iraq's Health Ministry, making it the first sector to achieve "full authority" in the US occupation. Taken together, these latest measures paint a telling picture of what a "free Iraq" will look like: The United States will maintain its military and corporate presence through fourteen enduring military bases and the largest US Embassy in the world. It will hold on to authority over Iraq's armed forces, its security and economic policy and the design of its core infrastructure--but the Iraqis can deal with their decrepit hospitals all by themselves, complete with their chronic drug shortages and lack of the most basic sanitation capacity. (US Health and Human Services Secretary Tommy Thompson revealed just how low a priority this was when he commented that Iraq's hospitals would be fixed if the Iraqis "just washed their hands and cleaned the crap off the walls.") On nights when there are no nearby explosions, we hang out at the hotel, jumping at the sound of car doors slamming. Sometimes we flick on the news and eavesdrop on a faraway debate about whether invading Iraq has made Americans safer. Few seem interested in the question of whether the invasion has made Iraqis feel safer, which is too bad because the questions are intimately related. As Khamis says, "It's not the war that caused the hatred. It's what they did after. What they are doing now." __________________________________ Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Small Business $15K Web Design Giveaway http://promotions.yahoo.com/design_giveaway/ End of casi-news Digest _______________________________________ Sent via the CASI-analysis mailing list To unsubscribe, visit http://lists.casi.org.uk/mailman/listinfo/casi-analysis All postings are archived on CASI's website at http://www.casi.org.uk