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[ This message has been sent to you via the CASI-analysis mailing list ] This is an automated compilation of submissions to firstname.lastname@example.org Articles for inclusion in this daily news mailing should be sent to email@example.com. Please include a full reference to the source of the article. Today's Topics: 1. News clippings (Hassan) 2. Iraqi women, children in US custody.. (k hanly) 3. Bremer vows no Sharia law (k hanly) 4. NYTimes.com Article: Chaos and War Leave Iraq’s Hospitals in Ruins (firstname.lastname@example.org) 5. Misery in Baghdad's ailing hospitals (Mark Parkinson) 6. IGC wants to assume sovereignty until elections. (ppg) 7. Juicy news!! (Hassan) --__--__-- Message: 1 Date: Mon, 16 Feb 2004 07:14:48 -0800 (PST) From: Hassan <hasseini@DELETETHISyahoo.com> Subject: News clippings To: CASI newsclippings <email@example.com> http://story.news.yahoo.com/news?tmpl=3Dstory&cid=3D540&ncid=3D736&e=3D2&u= =3D/ap/20040216/ap_on_re_mi_ea/iraq_women U.S. May Veto Islamic Law in Iraq By JIM KRANE, Associated Press Writer KARBALA, Iraq - The top U.S. administrator in Iraq (news - web sites) suggested Monday he would block any interim constitution that would make Islam the chief source of law, as some members of the Iraqi Governing Council have sought. L. Paul Bremer said the current draft of the constitution would make Islam the state religion of Iraq and "a source of inspiration for the law" =97 as opposed to the main source. Many Iraqi women have expressed fears that the rights they hold under Iraq's longtime secular system would be rolled back in the interim constitution being written by U.S.-picked Iraqi leaders and their advisers, many of them Americans. U.S. lawmakers have urged the White House to prevent Islamic restrictions on Iraqi women. Asked what would happen if Iraqi leaders wrote into the constitution that Islamic sharia law is the principal basis of the law, Bremer suggested he would wield his veto. "Our position is clear. It can't be law until I sign it," he said. Bremer must sign into law all measures passed by the 25-member council, including the interim constitution. Iraq's powerful Shiite clergy, however, has demanded the document be approved by an elected legislature. Under U.S. plans, a permanent constitution would not be drawn up and voted on until 2005. Bremer used the inauguration ceremony at a women's center in the southern city of Karbala to argue for more than "token" women's representation in the transitional government due to take power June 30. "I think it is very important that women be represented in all the political bodies," Bremer said. "Women are the majority in this country, in this area probably a substantial majority," he said, referring to the Saddam Hussein (news - web sites)'s 1991 purges of Shiite Muslim men. Those killings left the holy city of Karbala and other Shiite cities dotted with mass graves and brimming with thousands of widows. Bremer and an entourage of reporters flew from Baghdad into this Shiite holy city in a pair of U.S. Army Black Hawk helicopters. He toured a women's center renovated by U.S. and seized Iraqi funds, pausing to chat with women and girls who were sewing curtains and surfing the Internet. In a speech to about 100 women =97 most dressed in flowing black abayas and some with tattooed chins =97 Bremer cited a 2003 United Nations (news - web sites) report that found that productivity in Arab countries was being strangled because women had been kept out of the work force. Bremer suggested that women's participation did not run counter to Muslim values. "Women who can read and write and understand mathematics are not prevented from being good mothers. Quite the opposite," Bremer told the gathering. "No son is better off because his mother and sisters cannot read." Nawal Jabar, 44, whose husband was killed in the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, said she joined the women's center to learn a trade. "Either my mother or my brother has supported me from time to time since my husband died," Jabar said. "It's a very bad situation. But I am hoping I can get a job here so that I can support my kids." Enshrining women's rights in a constitution could be difficult. U.S. observers have predicted liberal reforms introduced in the transitional law could well be rolled back in a future constitution. Bremer acknowledged that U.S. influence on an Iraqi constitution would fade after the June 30 handover. "There will be a sovereign government here in June. The Iraqis then will then have responsibility for their own country," Bremer said. "There's a real hunger for democracy in this country. It may not look like American democracy, but there's a real hunger for it and we're encouraging that." There are three women on the Governing Council. Mohsen Abdel-Hamid, the current council president and a member of a committee drafting the interim constitution, has proposed making Islamic sharia law the "principal basis" of legislation. The phrasing could have broad effects on secular Iraq. In particular, it would likely make moot much of Iraq's 1959 Law of Personal Status, which grants uniform rights to husband and wife to divorce and inheritance, and governs related issues like child support. Under most interpretations of Islamic law, women's rights to seek divorce are strictly limited and they only receive half the inheritance of men. Islamic law also allows for polygamy and often permits marriage of girls at a younger age than secular law. In December, the council passed a decision abolishing the 1959 law and allowing each of the main religious groups to apply its own tradition =97 including Islamic law. Many Iraqi women expressed alarm at the decision, and Bremer has not signed it into law. Earlier this month, 45 members of the U.S. House of Representatives signed a letter to President Bush (news - web sites) urging him to preserve women's rights. "It would be a tragedy beyond words if Iraqi women lost the rights they had under Saddam Hussein, especially when the purpose of our mission in Iraq was to make life better for the Iraqi people," the letter read. ------------------------------------------------- http://www.boston.com/news/globe/editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2004/02/16= /fix_whats_broken_in_iraq/ Fix what's broken in Iraq By Ivo Daalder and Anthony Lake, 2/16/2004 DEBATE RAGES over what went wrong in Iraq. More important is this: how to make Iraq right.The dilemmas are daunting: How to diminish the Iraqi nationalistic reaction against American occupation through an early restoration of their sovereignty without producing anarchy if we leave too soon? How to reconcile our stated goal of democracy with the prospect of electoral dominance by a theocratic Shi'ite majority? And how to get the help of the United Nations without giving up the central control upon which Washington has always insisted? As casualties mount and differences among Iraqi factions deepen, answers are urgent. Since the invasion, our approach to post-war stability has embraced three models. First: the fantasy of Iraq as France in August 1944. American tanks would roll through Baghdad to the welcome of jubilant crowds thankful for their liberation. The Americans' De Gaulle -- designate Ahmed Chalabi, provided with his own hastily assembled militia -- would come to power in a wave of democratic sentiment which would then transform the whole region, while American troops marched home. But as looting spread and Iraq's governing structures collapsed, it quickly became apparent that Baghdad in 2003 was no Paris in 1944, and Chalabi no De Gaulle. American troops were left holding the Baghdad. Thus the next model: Japan, 1945. Democracy would be imposed by a benevolent American ruler. L. Paul Bremer III would be Douglas MacArthur, US and allied troops would maintain order, and nearly $20 billion of our budget would rebuild the country. But Iraq was no postwar Japan. We proclaimed Iraqis liberated, not defeated. Predictably, even those who most hated Saddam Hussein resented the occupation. As this resentment spread to America's closest Iraqi allies, Washington concluded that it lacked the stomach for a lengthy imperial role -- especially with our own elections in view. A third model followed: Afghanistan 2002, except with the UN given only a marginal role. Sovereignty would be given the Iraqis by June 30, 2004. New security forces would maintain law and order, patrol the borders, and protect critical infrastructure. A national assembly would be selected to assume power, write a constitution, and prepare for elections. The US military would focus on counter-insurgency operations. This model has also failed. The security problems are beyond the capacity of hastily trained Iraqi forces. Politically, Shi'ites, Sunnis, and Kurds are divided over the formation and functions of the transitional assembly. The majority Shi'ites insist on electing the assembly. The Kurds want to maintain their hard-won autonomy. The Sunnis want to avoid being all-round losers. And the clock ticks on toward the June 30 deadline for ending the American occupation. In baseball, it's three strikes and you're out. But America cannot quit now, with no political solution in sight. Nor can we extend the June deadline without deepening Iraqi resentment. So the administration needs to strike a grand bargain -- with the Iraqis and with the international community. And its Democratic critics should make this easier. The bargain with the Iraqis should give each faction something. For the Shiites: We would abandon the current selection process and substitute popular elections for a national assembly. The assembly would write a constitution, appoint an interim government, and then oversee elections for a new government. Elections for the assembly would be held as soon as practical, perhaps around the end of this year. For the Sunnis and Kurds and all Iraqis: a rapid transfer of sovereignty and appointment of an expanded Iraqi Governing Council to govern Iraq in the interim, to finalize a basic law of principles and rights (including minority rights), and to conduct the national assembly elections. The bargain with the international community would entail transferring international authority in Iraq to a UN-run Iraq assistance mission. It would help the Governing Council in elections and aid the interim government in rebuilding Iraq. A US-led NATO force would provide security, as authorized by the UN Security Council, to operate until Iraqi forces could do so. All this would entail some loss of face by the administration, but there must be change. Washington has neither the competence, the popular mandate within Iraq, nor the political will to rule there indefinitely. Yet to walk away, leaving chaos, would be a strategic and moral disaster. Critics should help the administration shift course. However much we may have questioned this undertaking, the administration did not make a Republican commitment to Iraq. It is an American commitment. Ivo Daalder, a coauthor of "America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy," is senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. Anthony Lake, a former national security adviser, is a professor at Georgetown University. =A9 Copyright 2004 Globe Newspaper Company. ------------------------------ http://www.gulf-news.com/Articles/news.asp?ArticleID=3D111059 US provoked insurgency in Iraq - former UN official Dubai |By Bassma Al Jandaly and Tanya Goudsouzian, Staff Reporters | 16-02-2004 The message to neo-conservative policy-makers in Washington, DC, is clear: Security cannot be achieved by attacking the symptoms of global discontent over American foreign policy, according to a former UN official. "If you limit your intervention to (attacking the symptoms), you will never put an end to what we are now seeing - a rise in protest over the fact that we are increasingly dominated by a small group of people who want to tell us how to run our lives," said Hans Von Sponeck, former UN Assistant Secretary General and Humanitarian Co-ordinator for Iraq, in an exclusive interview with Gulf News. In order to make a significant contribution to a stable global community, it would make more sense to "talk about human security, education, health and good services in our respective countries", he said. Von Sponeck resigned from his UN post in 2000 because he felt "the programme I was directing could not do justice to the needs of the Iraqi people", who were crippled by the economic sanctions and "exploited for somebody else's political interest". As with most critics of America's policies vis-a-vis Iraq, he believes the current crisis is a result of short-sightedness on the part of Washington. "When the war began in March of last year, the Iraqi people were already in a very precarious state. They had behind them 13 long years of sanctions; 13 long years of inadequate supplies for life, food, medicine, education, water=85 Nothing was the way it had been at one time in Iraq before 1990. So they were very weak physically and to some extent mentally," he said. "After a short war of less than five weeks, there should have been a massive infusion of electricity rehabilitation, improvement of water supplies, food and medicine... None of this happened because while the Americans were well-prepared to fight the war, they were totally unprepared to introduce peace." The question he asks: "Why were they so short-sighted?" "My answer is they had a totally wrong impression of the reaction of the Iraqi people. Many Iraqi people were no doubt happy that the dictator was gone, but that doesn't mean they were automatically happy to see foreign troops on their soil. "And this was the big surprise for the Americans. That the flowers, the 'salams', did not come. What came was: 'Thank you, he's gone, but now you can go, too.' And therefore the preoccupation of the Americans today is with security... But they do it in such a wrong way that they create more negative reaction." When the average Iraqi sees American soldiers violating basic Iraqi values and norms of behaviour on a daily basis, it creates a lot of resentment, he says. "But the interpretation by the Americans and the British is that these are leftovers of the Baath party, leftovers of Saddam Hussain's supporters and some Al Qaida infiltrators," he said. While it may have started with "a few loyalists", the discontent has gained more ground, he explains, when the people saw there was no promise of normalcy - "no electricity, no water supply, no allowing their children to go to school". Von Sponeck holds the behaviour of the US troops responsible for spurring people who would never have objected to a new beginning in Iraq, to reacting violently. "Today we have chaos. Today we have anarchy. Today we have even what I never thought could happen: The possibility of a break-up," he said. "You have a very well-organised but low-profile Shiite community with Al Sistani; you have a deeply troubled Sunni minority that is angry in this Baquba-Fallujah-Baghdad triangle; you have the Kurds who have come into this with a huge amount of expectations..." He believes the differences between these ethnic and religious groups are becoming increasingly difficult to reconcile, which further complicates the return to normalcy. Many critics, including Von Sponeck, now argue that this tragic scenario is "the best evidence that the work of the UN should have been given a much more patient hearing, before they decided to ignore the international community, and go ahead in interpreting Resolution 1441 in the way they wanted=85" Von Sponeck also laments that the Arab League and the UN might have done more to prevent the war. But, he concedes, "if you have a government like the US that is so convinced of its moral superiority, so convinced that it has the military strength to do anything they consider as correct", efforts might have been futile anyway. "The Americans are, like it or not, a superpower on their own... And in the Gulf, the Middle East, and Europe, we are all paying the price now, because the confrontation that we saw on TV in Iraq is a confrontation that is spreading globally. There is so much anti-American attitude all over the place," he said. Still, he says the Americans are now beginning to realise how much more difficult it is to introduce peace in a country. "It's easy to win the war, but as one of my countrymen 200 years ago said: 'If you go to war, you must know what kind of peace you want'... And the Americans didn't know what kind of peace they wanted," he said. He refutes Washington's noble assertions that the purpose of going to war was to uphold democracy and human rights. "It's about power, and even if they say every day it's not about oil, it's also about oil. It's power and oil and the right to decide who gets these important energy resources, and that determines what happens in Iraq," he said. He says it is up to the governments in Europe and the Middle East to sound the alarm and to warn "our American friends" that they are going about things in a very wrong way. "This is not the approach that will reduce terrorism. Don't come up with simplistic explanations, like this is Al Qaida. What is Al Qaida? Show us there is an organised Al Qaida structure. There is no organised Al Qaida structure. This is only in the minds of people who want to find an explanation for the incredible mess they have created in Iraq," he said. "If Europe and the Arab countries continue to keep a low profile, we will not manage to get the world out of this very serious confrontation between one group that has the military and financial means and also the belief - something new in Western politics - of this moral absolutism... and a majority of countries that disagree with that, and don't have the courage to say it in very strong ways at the political and government levels, but have other ways of expressing..." Some may show their displeasure by boycotting this or that, he says, while others will resort to extreme expressions of anger in the form of terrorism. __________________________________ Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Finance: Get your refund fast by filing online. http://taxes.yahoo.com/filing.html --__--__-- Message: 2 From: "k hanly" <khanly@DELETETHISmb.sympatico.ca> To: "newsclippings" <firstname.lastname@example.org> Subject: Iraqi women, children in US custody.. Date: Mon, 16 Feb 2004 12:03:31 -0600 http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/7AF6D9CA-C897-4636-AFCA-44C93A66A9DA.htm Iraqi women, children in US custody By Ahmed Janabi Sunday 15 February 2004, 11:45 Makka Time, 8:45 GMT The US occupation forces in Iraq have been arresting the wives of suspected resistance fighters in an attempt to force their husbands to turn themselves in. "Surrender, we have your wife." This type of threatening note has been found at the homes of many Iraqis. According to Aljazeera's reporter in Baghdad, US forces leave such notes whenever they raid the house of an Iraqi suspect and find him out. Scores of Iraqi women are believed to be in jail because US forces suspect their husbands of being resistance fighters. Sergeant Robert Cargie of the fourth infantry division in Tikrit denied the claim. "This is categorically not true. We detain and capture individuals based on information and intelligence that the person is engaged in some anti-coalition activity. We target that person regardless of gender and do our best to capture them." But Dr Muzhir al-Dulaymi, the spokesman for the League for the Defence of Iraqi People Rights, told Aljazeera.net that his organisation had "discussed the issue of the wives of Iraqi suspects with the US forces. "We've also discussed the issue of Iraqi child prisoners, who are accused by the Americans of involvement in Iraqi resistance. "A committee will be set up with US representation to look at the allegations." Iraqis in Guantanamo Hundreds of Iraqis demonstrated on Saturday in front of Abu Ghuraib prison, where thousands of Iraqis are detained. The prison's rehabilitation was one of the first US achievements in Iraq. The demonstrators raised banners calling for the immediate release of all Iraqi prisoners, threatening violence against US occupation forces if their demands were not met. "We strongly call for the immediate release of Iraqi women detained by the US forces. They have committed no crime," a female demonstrator told Aljazeera's Atwar Bahjat at the demonstration. "There are 23,000 prisoners in Abu Ghuraib, and 4000 in Um Qasr prison in southern Iraq, most of them held without charge," al-Dulaymi said. "What is really worrying us is we have heard unconfirmed reports that the US authorities in Iraq have moved some Iraqi prisoners to Guantanamo Bay in Cuba." Wide resentment Wide resentment has been increasing among Iraqis who say the US is not taking enough care in its treatment of Iraqis. A recent survey carried out by Al-Mustaqil Institute for Management and Social Studies, in Baghdad, has revealed that 60% of Iraqis reject the US occupation of Iraq. The percentage was 35% in November 2003. --__--__-- Message: 3 From: "k hanly" <khanly@DELETETHISmb.sympatico.ca> To: "newsclippings" <email@example.com> Subject: Bremer vows no Sharia law Date: Mon, 16 Feb 2004 12:09:52 -0600 http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/3F15B75C-B63C-4B3E-B8A4-82C6EE6370D1.htm Bremer vows no Sharia law in Iraq Monday 16 February 2004, 18:22 Makka Time, 15:22 GMT Bremer said Sharia can't be law until he 'signs it' The top US administrator in Iraq has suggested that he would block any interim constitution that would make Islam the chief source of law. Paul Bremer on Monday said the current draft of the constitution would make Islam the state religion of Iraq and "a source of inspiration for the law" - as opposed to the main source. Many Iraqi women have expressed fears that the rights they hold under Iraq's longtime secular system would be rolled back in the interim constitution being written by US-picked Iraqi leaders and their advisers, many of them Americans. US lawmakers have urged the White House to prevent Islamic restrictions on Iraqi women. Asked what would happen if Iraqi leaders wrote into the constitution that Sharia (Islamic law) is the principal basis of the law, Bremer suggested he would wield his veto. "Our position is clear. It can't be law until I sign it." Permanent constitution Bremer must sign into law all measures passed by the 25-member council, including the interim constitution. Iraq's powerful Shia clergy, however, has demanded the document be approved by an elected legislature. Under US plans, a permanent constitution would not be drawn up and voted on until 2005. Women's rights are to be enshrined in future constitution Bremer used the inauguration ceremony at a women's centre in the southern city of Karbala to argue for more than "token" women's representation in the transitional government due to take power on 30 June. "I think it is very important that women be represented in all the political bodies," Bremer said. "Women are the majority in this country, in this area probably a substantial majority," he said, referring to the Saddam Hussein's alleged 1991 purges of Shia Muslim men. Those killings left the holy city of Karbala and other Shia cities dotted with mass graves and brimming with thousands of widows. Liberal reforms Enshrining women's rights in a future constitution could be difficult. Muhsin Abd al-Hamid, the current council president and a member of a committee drafting the interim constitution, has proposed making Sharia the "principal basis" of legislation US observers have predicted liberal reforms introduced in the transitional law could well be rolled back in a future constitution. Bremer acknowledged that US influence on an Iraqi constitution would fade after the 30 June handover. "There will be a sovereign government here in June. The Iraqis then will then have responsibility for their own country," Bremer said. There are three women on the Governing Council. 'Principal basis' Muhsin Abd al-Hamid, the current council president and a member of a committee drafting the interim constitution, has proposed making Sharia the "principal basis" of legislation. The phrasing could have broad effects on secular Iraq. In particular, it would likely moot much of Iraq's 1959 Law of Personal Status, which grants uniform rights to husband and wife to divorce and inheritance, and governs related issues like child support. In December, the council passed a decision abolishing the 1959 law and allowing each of the main religious groups to apply its own tradition - including Islamic law. Bremer has not signed it into law. --__--__-- Message: 4 Reply-To: firstname.lastname@example.org From: c.rowat@DELETETHISespero.org.uk To: email@example.com Subject: NYTimes.com Article: Chaos and War Leave Iraq’s Hospitals in Ruins Date: Mon, 16 Feb 2004 17:56:12 -0500 (EST) This article from NYTimes.com has been sent to you by firstname.lastname@example.org. /-------------------- advertisement -----------------------\ From the warped minds behind SUPER TROOPERS... Fox Searchlight Pictures is proud to present BROKEN LIZARD'S CLUB DREAD in theaters everywhere FEBRUARY 27. Surrounded by limber, wanton women on a booze-soaked island resort owned by Coconut Pete (Bill Paxton) - a rock star has-been. But the non-stop party takes a turn for the weird when dead bodies start turning up faster than you could drink a rum punch. Watch the trailer and join the bloggin fun on the official website at http://www.clubdread.com \----------------------------------------------------------/ Chaos and War Leave Iraq’s Hospitals in Ruins February 14, 2004 By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN BAGHDAD, Iraq, Feb. 13 - At Baghdad's Central Teaching Hospital for Children, gallons of raw sewage wash across the floors. The drinking water is contaminated. According to doctors, 80 percent of patients leave with infections they did not have when they arrived. Doctors say they have been beaten up in the emergency room. Blood is in such short supply that physicians often donate their own to patients lying in front of them. "The word `big' is not enough to express the disaster we are facing," said Ahmed A. Muhammad, the hospital's assistant manager. To be sure, Iraq's hospitals were in bleak shape before the American-led invasion last year. International isolation and the sanctions imposed after Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990 had already shattered a public health care system that was once the jewel of the Middle East. Crucial machines stopped working. Drugs were in short supply. Conditions eased a bit once the United Nations oil-for-food program started in 1996, but the country still suffered, especially the children. But Iraqi doctors say the war has pushed them closer to disaster. Fighting and sabotage have destroyed crucial infrastructure and the fall of Saddam Hussein precipitated a breakdown in social order. "It's definitely worse now than before the war," said Eman Asim, the Ministry of Health official who oversees the country's 185 public hospitals. "Even at the height of sanctions, when things were miserable, it wasn't as bad as this. At least then someone was in control." Occupation authorities insist improvements are coming. "I've been all around the country and we're better than prewar levels across the board," said Bob Goodwin, an American health adviser for the Coalition Provisional Authority who has been working with the Health Ministry since last summer. He said that many hospitals had new generators and new wiring and that the distribution of medical supplies was fairer now than it was under Mr. Hussein's clannish rule. But, he added, "there are so many problems, sometimes it is hard to stay on top of everything." "When we took over in April, it was a total system collapse," he said. "The Health Ministry was literally on fire." The fire may be out, but Iraqi doctors say their profession has yet to recover. Hospital administration, which used to be strictly managed top-down, has atomized into hundreds of disparate parts. The violence on the streets has seeped into the wards, with attacks on staff members and feuds being finished in the corridors. And the list goes on. While Health Ministry officials say no comprehensive health survey has been conducted since the war, several doctors here said that infant mortality is up. Of 48 babies recently brought to the neonatal clinic at Yarmuk Hospital, 19 died, said Tala al-Awqati, a pediatrician. "That is twice as many as last year," she said. She also said that more women were choosing to give birth at home, increasing the chances of complications, because they were frightened of venturing into the streets to deliver at a hospital. The Red Cross and the United Nations used to run health programs in Iraq. But after the headquarters of both organizations were bombed last year, foreign experts pulled out. Doctors also said that the postwar sabotage of the country's primary pharmaceutical factory in Samarra and the looting of the central supply depot in Baghdad had depleted the country of needed supplies. "Last week a man bled to death right in front of me because we didn't have any IV's," said Ali Qasim, an emergency room doctor at Baghdad Central Hospital. Then there is the experiment with democracy. After Mr. Hussein's government fell, doctors decided to pick their own leaders. "They told us this is the democratic way," said Dr. Asim, the Health Ministry official. "Now we have dentists in charge of surgery centers." Despite signs of a public health crisis, medical experts here say it is hard to get foreign donors to pay attention. "Bombs and elections - that's all people on the outside seem interested in," said Khalil Sayyad, head of the Baghdad office of M=E9dicos del Mundo, a Spanish organization working on health projects. American officials say things will get better. It will just take time. Last year, $550.6 million was spent on public health in Iraq, according to the Health Ministry. This year, it is expected to increase to $1.7 billion, including nearly $500 million to fix crumbling infrastructure and build new facilities. Before the sanctions, Baghdad Central offered 11 gleaming floors of state-of-the-art health care. Now it is a grubby expanse of cracked tile, bald hallways and drafty rooms. Dr. Asim, the Health Ministry official, recently inspected 40 hospitals around the country. "There were days I came back crying," she said. Many problems predate the war, like the flowing sewage at the children's hospital. The hospital sits at a low point in the city. Whenever sewage backs up, waste pours into the basement and trickles into the wards. "Can you hear it?" asked Dr. Muhammad during a recent visit. The gushing liquid sounded like a fountain. Doctors said the problem had gotten worse since the war because of a lack of maintenance. American officials said they were aware of the hospital's condition and that the Spanish government had pledged $11 million to fix it. Upstairs, past the banana peels and crushed cigarettes, is a ward for treating dehydrated children. Women leaned over babies with thin faces and wide-open eyes. "Habibee," said a young mother to a bundled mass. "Don't cry." Another mother, Sama Hamid, said the hospital used to be much cleaner. "Nobody has discipline any more," she said. Outside, an ambulance driver, Mahir Jalal, said he sometimes ran errands in his vehicle. "If they need me," he said, "they can find me." A few months ago, Dr. Hafiz Hussein was signing the death certificate for a newborn who had just died in his arms when the baby's relatives stormed into the emergency room. He said the men grabbed him and hit him in the face about 20 times. "I felt such shame," Dr. Hussein said. "The child died and I got beaten in front of my colleagues for it." http://www.nytimes.com/2004/02/14/international/middleeast/14HOSP.html?ex= =3D1077972172&ei=3D1&en=3D8dfb9f6cdcf87ff7 --------------------------------- Get Home Delivery of The New York Times Newspaper. Imagine reading The New York Times any time & anywhere you like! Leisurely catch up on events & expand your horizons. Enjoy now for 50% off Home Delivery! Click here: http://www.nytimes.com/ads/nytcirc/index.html HOW TO ADVERTISE --------------------------------- For information on advertising in e-mail newsletters or other creative advertising opportunities with The New York Times on the Web, please contact email@example.com or visit our online media kit at http://www.nytimes.com/adinfo For general information about NYTimes.com, write to firstname.lastname@example.org. Copyright 2004 The New York Times Company --__--__-- Message: 5 From: "Mark Parkinson" <mark44@DELETETHISmyrealbox.com> To: email@example.com Date: Mon, 16 Feb 2004 23:56:41 -0000 Subject: Misery in Baghdad's ailing hospitals http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/461B06DF-3651-43D8-A8BF- C86F8DA4890D.htm Misery in Baghdad's ailing hospitals By Amal Hamdan in Baghdad Sunday 15 February 2004, 13:23 Makka Time, 10:23 GMT A child's battle against cancer is always wretched. In Baghdad, where there is a shortage of chemotherapy treatment, it is hell. Playing half-heartedly with a toy truck, Ahmad looks not older than four, but his mother, Lamiaa, says he is eight. Diagnosed three years ago with leukemia, Ahmad has fought to survive. Before the US-British invasion in March 2003, chemotherapy treatments had successfully wiped out the cancer from his bone marrow. He started receiving a monthly chemotherapy treatment to ensure there would be no relapse. Lamiaa, a mother of three with a welcoming smile, said he was on the road to recovery. Then came the invasion. Worsening crisis Suddenly Lamiaa and her husband were unable to reach Baghdad from their home in Baquba 65km away, because occupation forces were blocking the roads. When they finally did reach al-Iskan Children's Hospital in the capital where Ahmad was receiving treatment, they were told the hospital had almost run out of his medication. Doctors only option was to cut the treatment by half. Hospitals are ill-equipped and short of medicines "What could I do, there was nothing else," says Lamiaa. Almost one year on, since US and British tanks rolled into Iraq, tests showed that cancer had invaded 70% of Ahmad's bone marrow. He is also suffering from infections due to his poor immunity system. Basic needs Iraq's hospitals lacked basic medical supplies before the US-led war. From 1991 until 2003, a stifling United Nations-imposed blanket embargo meant that hospitals could not get up-to-date equipment or technology and medicine was limited. It could hardly have got worse, but it has. Today, patients at al-Iskan - the city's main pediatric hospital - have to buy everything, including IV tubes because the hospital does not have any. In one of the six beds with cancer patients, 11-year-old Yaman's aunt Laila says the hospital no longer has syringes to draw blood. When her nephew needs a blood test to monitor his leukemia, doctors prick him with a needle and allow blood to drip into a tube. Lamiaa nods in agreement. "We even have to buy blood transfusions sometimes and it costs 20,000 dinars," she says, over-whelmed by the amount. It is the equivalent of about $12, but a small fortune to the family since her husband has been out of work since the start of the war. Disillusion "He is a high candidate for a bone marrow transplant but we don't have the facilities," said Dr Qassan Ali Abd, one of Ahmad's doctors. Chemotherapy after a patient has relapsed is not the best treatment, but it is the only one currently available to them. During Eid al-Adha festival, earlier this month, eight children in the ward had died, he said bitterly. "It is the same situation since 9 April until now, the same suffering- for patients and doctors," he said, in reference to the day US and British tanks rolled into Baghdad last year. "I expected when the Americans came here that in a month things would be normal," he said. The frustrated doctor says he does not expect facilities for bone marrow transplants within a month, but certainly hopes basic necessities for the country's main children's hospital to function. "The country is occupied. It is destroyed. Drug storages were looted and burnt to the ground" Dr Qassan Ali Abd, Iraqi doctor When asked why there was a shortage of cancer medications, he said: "The country is occupied. It is destroyed. Drug storages were looted and burnt to the ground." Frustration Abd has been working at al-Iskan for the past three years. "But I do nothing. We don't have the facilities," he says. "I read about the medical developments in America and that's all I can do - read about them," he said. Dr Ahmad Abd Al-Fattah, the hospital's assistant manager, admits specialized treatments, like cancer therapies, are in shortage. During the crippling UN sanctions, some of the medications were unavailable not only for financial reasons, but for political ones, said al-Fattah. Some of the drug makers were in the United States and United Kingdom and Baghdad had no access to buying them, he said. However, with the capture of toppled leader Saddam Hussein, this is changing, said Abd al-Fattah. But the patients and parents on the second floor of al-Iskan hospital cannot afford to wait anymore for political haggling. When asked if Ahmad would live, Abd offered a weary look and after a pause said: "I hope so. I hope they all will." Mark Parkinson Bodmin Cornwall --__--__-- Message: 6 From: "ppg" <ppg@DELETETHISnyc.rr.com> To: <firstname.lastname@example.org> Subject: IGC wants to assume sovereignty until elections. Date: Tue, 17 Feb 2004 03:22:10 -0500 Iraqi Panel Pivots on U.S. Plan Caucuses Rejected For Interim Rule By Rajiv Chandrasekaran Washington Post Foreign Service Tuesday, February 17, 2004; Page A01 http://tinyurl.com/22yzl BAGHDAD, Feb. 16 -- Most members of Iraq's U.S.-appointed Governing Council no longer support the Bush administration's plan to choose an interim government through caucuses and instead want the council to assume sovereignty until elections can be held, several members have said. The caucus proposal, which the council endorsed in November, is a cornerstone of the administration's plan to end the civil occupation of Ira= q this summer. Seeking to lay the foundation for a political system that woul= d shun extremism and keep the country united, the administration had wanted a transitional government selected by carefully vetted local caucuses to run Iraq through the end of 2005. But with Iraqi religious leaders demanding that voting occur much sooner -- and with a growing expectation here that the United Nations will call for elections by the end of this year or early next year -- a majority of Governing Council members have quietly withdrawn support for the caucus plan. "The caucuses are pretty much dead now," said Ghazi Yawar, a Sunni Muslim council member. Until recently, Sunni Arabs and Kurds, who make up 12 of th= e council's 25 members, had been the strongest proponents of the caucuses. Bu= t in recent days, several Sunni members have joined majority Shiites in opposing the U.S. transition plan. Another Sunni member, Sameer Shaker Sumaidy, said that abandoning the caucu= s system and transferring sovereignty to the council on June 30 -- the date b= y which the administration has promised to hand over power -- now "makes the most sense." A senior Kurdish leader and council member, Jalal Talabani, said on Sunday that he, too, wants the council to assume sovereignty until elections can be convened. The loss of support for the caucuses poses a complex challenge for the U.S. occupation authority. The council is made up of some of the country's key political leaders. "It's hard to imagine pulling off the caucuses without the Governing Council," one U.S. official said. "What happens when these people -- people we selected -- say they do not support the process? It can't work." Senior U.S. officials said the council's motives were largely selfish. With elections likely by early next year at the latest, sovereignty could give council members unrivaled political influence in the months before the vote= , allowing them to engage in patronage and skew balloting rules. U.S. officials say that an interim government selected through local caucuses, even if participation is limited, would create a more representative and accountable group of Iraqis than the council, whose members were handpicked by L. Paul Bremer, the U.S. administrator of Iraq. The Bush administration hoped that caucuses would allow new political talen= t to emerge and challenge the clique of former exiles who now effectively control the council. The council's rejection of the caucuses is emerging as the most serious dispute between members and the occupation authority, placing the Bush administration in the awkward position of criticizing a group it assembled last summer and touted as the "most representative governing body in Iraq's history." "The Governing Council has been an effective body during this phase, but is it the appropriate body to hand over total sovereignty to?" a senior U.S. official asked. "Is it sufficiently representative? Who is it accountable to? Will it be viewed as legitimate by the Iraqi people?" The council members said the caucus system was too controversial and laborious, particularly if elections were to be held by the end of the year= . "If it's only for six months, it's not worth it," Yawar said. The administration's plan calls for caucuses to be held in each of Iraq's 1= 8 provinces. Fifteen-member selection committees, chosen by the Governing Council and local councils, would screen participants. "The caucus system seems to be so cumbersome and so hard to wrap your mind around that I'm not sure the idea has much legs anymore," said Feisal Istrabadi, a top aide to Adnan Pachachi, one of the council's five Sunni members. Almost all council members had endorsed the caucus plan when it was propose= d by Bremer in a private meeting on Nov. 15. But support among Shiites began to erode after the country's most influential Shiite cleric, Grand Ayatolla= h Ali Sistani, rejected the plan as "illegitimate" soon thereafter and called for the interim government to be selected through direct elections before the June 30 handover of sovereignty. U.S. officials contend it would be impossible to hold elections before June because Iraq lacks adequate security, an election law, voter rolls and polling equipment. Even so, Sistani's demand -- and the resulting lack of Shiite political support -- stalled implementation of the caucus plan and led the Bush administration to invite a team of U.N. experts, led by former Algerian foreign minister Lakhdar Brahimi, to determine whether early elections woul= d be feasible. Brahimi and his team left Iraq over the weekend after spending a week meeting with political, religious and social leaders. Brahimi indicated last week that he believed nationwide, direct elections could be held late this year, according to people who met with him. Althoug= h Shiite leaders would prefer elections to be held sooner and rival Sunni leaders want them to be held later, both sides appear to be willing to embrace the idea of elections at the end of the year, several Sunni and Shiite leaders said. With expectations running high that Brahimi will support the idea of elections later this year or early next year, Sunni members have been backing away from the caucuses. Talabani, the Kurdish leader who hosted the Nov. 15 meeting in his palatial riverfront villa and had been a staunch supporter of the caucus proposal, said on Sunday that "elections are the best way to express the opinions of the Iraqi people." Ahmed Chalabi, a moderate Shiite who has been an ally of many in the Bush administration, also has rejected the caucus plan, calling for elections before June. If that does not occur, an official of Chalabi's Iraqi Nationa= l Congress said, the organization would also support a handover of sovereignt= y to the Governing Council. Daniel Senor, a spokesman for Bremer, said the occupation authority was "open to clarifications and elaborations to the process." Anticipating a recommendation for year-end elections, senior U.S. officials in Baghdad and Washington are frantically trying to assemble a set of contingency plans. Among the options they are considering is a radically revised version of th= e caucus proposal. They also are weighing whether to simply hand over sovereignty to the Governing Council, either in its present form or as an expanded body that may be regarded by Iraqis as more representative and legitimate. But expanding the council could prompt disputes among Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds -- all of whom want to increase their share of seats. "There are no good options for us," one American involved in the political transition said. "Every choice has deep flaws." Asked about the possibility of transferring sovereignty to the council, Bremer said Monday that he was looking at ways "to broaden the representation in the political process" but wants to see Brahimi's report before making any decisions. Some council members contend the best option would be to expand the council and revamp its leadership structure, scrapping a system of nine rotating presidents for a sole prime minister. "We're not ready to govern the countr= y in our present shape," Yawar said. "But we can make ourselves ready." =A9 2004 The Washington Post Company --__--__-- Message: 7 Date: Tue, 17 Feb 2004 00:56:53 -0800 (PST) From: Hassan <hasseini@DELETETHISyahoo.com> Subject: Juicy news!! To: CASI newsclippings <email@example.com> http://www.newsday.com/news/nationworld/nation/ny-uschal083671397feb15,0,73= 5950.story Start-up Company With Connections U.S. gives $400M in work to contractor with ties to Pentagon favorite on Iraqi Governing Council By Knut Royce WASHINGTON BUREAU; Tom Frank contributed to this article from Baghdad. February 15, 2004 Washington - U.S. authorities in Iraq have awarded more than $400 million in contracts to a start-up company that has extensive family and, according to court documents, business ties to Ahmed Chalabi, the Pentagon favorite on the Iraqi Governing Council. The most recent contract, for $327 million to supply equipment for the Iraqi Armed Forces, was awarded last month and drew an immediate challenge from a losing contester, who said the winning bid was so low that it questions the "credibility" of that bid. But it is an $80-million contract, awarded by the Coalition Provisional Authority last summer to provide security for Iraq's vital oil infrastructure, that has become a controversial lightning rod within the Iraqi Provisional Government and the security industry. Soon after this security contract was issued, the company started recruiting many of its guards from the ranks of Chalabi's former militia, the Iraqi Free Forces, raising allegations from other Iraqi officials that he was creating a private army. Chalabi, 59, scion of one of Iraq's most politically powerful and wealthy families until the monarchy was toppled in 1958, had been living in exile in London when the U.S. invaded Iraq. The chief architect of the umbrella organization for the resistance, the Iraqi National Congress, Chalabi is viewed by many Iraqis as America's hand-picked choice to rule Iraq. A key beneficiary of both the oil security contract and last week's Iraq army procurement contract is Nour USA Ltd., which was incorporated in the United States last May. The security contract technically was awarded to Erinys Iraq, a security company also newly formed after the invasion, but bankrolled at its inception by Nour. A Nour's founder was a Chalabi friend and business associate, Abul Huda Farouki. Within days of the award last August, Nour became a joint venture partner with Erinys and the contract was amended to include Nour. An industry source familiar with some of the internal affairs of both companies said Chalabi received a $2-million fee for helping arrange the contract. Chalabi, in a brief interview with Newsday, denied that claim, as did a top company official. Chalabi also denied that he has had anything to do with the security firm. Today security in the oil fields remains problematic; the number of guards is being raised from 6,500 under the original contract to 14,500, and so many changes are being made to the contract that the Coalition Provisional Authority, which governs Iraq, now says it may have to be rebid. Erinys Iraq came into being last May, after the U.S.-led invasion. Saboteurs had started blowing up oil pipelines and attacking other petroleum facilities, plunging Baghdad and other Iraqi cities into darkness. Blackouts and fuel shortages remain endemic. The authority solicited bids on the pipeline security contract in July. Just two weeks later, the contract was awarded to Erinys Iraq. A founding partner and director of Erinys Iraq is Faisal Daghistani, the son of Tamara Daghistani, for years one of Chalabi's most trusted confidants. She was a key player in the creation of his exile group, the Iraqi National Congress, which received millions of dollars in U.S. funds to help destabilize the Saddam Hussein regime before the coalition invasion last year. The firm's counsel in Baghdad is Chalabi's nephew Salem Chalabi. The seed money to start Erinys came from Nour, formed in May in the United States, according to David Braus, Nour's managing director. Nour's Web site says that it is a collaborative "arrangement" involving a Farouki family company, HAIFinance Corp., and a Jordanian venture called the Munir Sukhtian Group. Braus said Nour arrived in Iraq "with an intention of investing funds in the country as opposed to picking up government contracts." But it has nevertheless won government contracts. Nour was the self-described "sponsor" of a consortium of nine companies that won a fixed-price contract of $327,485,798 to provide the Iraqi army with weapons, trucks, uniforms and other equipment. At least three of those companies, including Erinys, have financial ties to Farouki. One of the 18 losing bidders, the large Polish defense contractor Bumar PHZ - whose bid was more than $200 million higher - cried foul, publicly charging that Nour's bid was suspiciously low and that the firm had no experience in the arms trade, as stipulated in the authority's request for bids. Bumar asked the authority to explain how it selected Noor. And Polish prosecutors are now investigating a tiny company that is part of Noor's consortium in the contract, Ostrowski Arms, because it is not licensed to export arms. Farouki, who founded Nour, is a Jordanian-American who lives in northern Virginia. He and his wife are prominent socialites in the D.C. area and frequently attended White House affairs during the Clinton administration. Farouki's many companies have done extensive construction work for the Pentagon over the years. The Iraqi contracts appear to be his first ventures into security and military hardware. Though some of Erinys' principals have a background in oil field security work in Africa and Colombia, the company itself had no experience in the field. The Pentagon's request for proposals required competing companies to list five contracts "of the same or similar type to demonstrate previous experiences." Farouki's businesses received at least $12 million in the 1980s from a Chalabi-controlled bank in Washington, D.C. The Jordanian government says that bank was part of a massive embezzlement scheme perpetrated by Chalabi on a bank he owned in Jordan. Chalabi, despite his status in Iraq as a possible future leader of the country, is still wanted in Jordan after being convicted and sentenced in absentia on bank fraud charges, Jordanian officials in Washington said. In a brief interview in a Baghdad parking lot, Chalabi denied receiving any fees from Erinys. "I have no involvement in Erinys," he said. "I have no financial relationship with Farouki." Asked about his former bank's loans to Farouki, he replied, "Farouki's my friend." And Farouki, reached by phone recently in Cairo, described Chalabi as a "great [Iraqi] patriot." He denied that Chalabi had received any fee or that he has had any role in the company. "There's no basis, no substantiation whatsoever" for those claims, he said. He said that Chalabi was too busy as a statesman and politician to be involved in business activity. Erinys guards are being recruited from the ranks of the Iraqi Free Congress, the militia loyal to Chalabi's Iraqi National Congress, Daghistani acknowledged to Britain's Financial Times in December. This concerns Ayad Allawi, who runs the interior ministry in the U.S.-appointed interim Governing Council. He publicly criticized Chalabi in Iraq in December for allegedly undermining central authority by helping create a private military company for the Erinys contract. Oil field security, Allawi said, should be the responsibility of the state. Asked how much influence Chalabi had in the decision to award the contract to Erinys Iraq, Sam Kubba, president of the American Iraqi chamber of commerce, a congressional candidate in Virginia and a businessman with extensive connections in Iraq, said, "100 percent ... and you can quote me on that." Laith Kubba, a senior program officer at the National Foundation of Democracy who helped Chalabi found the Iraqi National Congress, said Chalabi's influence over Coalition Provisional Authority contracts was "immense ... especially on security contracts." Laith Kubba is a second cousin of Sam Kubba. Even with the infusion of additional guards, security has been tenuous, with weekly attacks on pipelines and installations slowing oil exports and forcing Iraqis, who sit atop the world's second largest oil reserves, to line up for hours at gas stations. Erinys Iraq's CEO was shot and gravely injured recently, and several employees have been killed. A veil of secrecy imposed by the authority in the awarding of the contract makes it difficult to reconstruct what happened. The project was probably flawed from the start because of inefficiency by contracting officials and heavy influence from Chalabi and his associates, industry and business officials say. An industry official who knows and respects Erinys Iraq's senior managers said Chalabi "got his contractor to win that award ... Chalabi is backing Erinys big time." This official, whose company has several security contracts in Iraq, said that Erinys initially "had a hard time getting people and a hard time getting equipment" but was now learning from experience. "They [the authority] didn't have a clue" of what was needed, said this official, who considered bidding and drafted an internal plan that would have cost more than three times what the authority wanted to pay. But, he said, his firm concluded that whatever the Coalition Provisional Authority was willing to accept was unrealistic and "had no chance of success." DynCorp, which is training Iraqi police under a $50-million contract, did make an offer. A DynCorp official said that his company's bid was three times higher than Erinys'. But unlike Erinys' proposal, he said, his firm included helicopter surveillance, which is costly. "There's no way in this godly earth that you can surveil the pipeline with people in vehicles," which Erinys proposed, the DynCorp official said. Long after awarding the Erinys contract, the authority came to the same conclusion. It recently awarded a $10-million contract for helicopter surveillance of the pipelines to Florida-based AirScan Inc. And it acknowledges the original contract awarded in August for $39,454,896 a year over two years and for hiring and training 6,500 guards was inadequate. It said it had since modified the contract to provide for the air surveillance and to increase the force. At the same time, the authority acknowledges that so many modifications are being made that it "could require [the contract] to be recompeted." In brief e-mailed responses to Newsday questions, the Coalition Provisional Authority insisted that the contract with Erinys was aboveboard and was awarded on technical merit and cost considerations only. The July 25 authority solicitation for bids provided no detail of what would be required to provide security for Iraq's "multibillion dollar oil infrastructure." It did, however, ask that the bidder submit "a list of five (5) contracts of the same or similar type to demonstrate previous experience." Yet Erinys had never handled a job as large and complicated as this one, and its partner, Nour, has never worked in the security area. Industry sources and contract experts said Erinys may have bid low because it expected contract modifications to bring in additional fees. "It's the oldest game in the Middle East," said a former senior Reagan administration official and businessman who specializes in the region. "... The contractor is insured by his patron. 'Low ball,' he's told. 'Don't worry about it.'" The official who considered bidding but worried that the authority "didn't have a clue" said that Iraq is a war zone and therefore, "I don't know if 65 million" guards can secure the 4,000 miles of pipelines. "You've got to make nice with the local people, go to the local tribal leaders and hire his guys," he said. Farouki and Nour's managing director, David Braus, referred all questions about the operation to Jonathan Garratt, one of Erinys' managers in Baghdad. After an initial early morning call to Newsday when the reporter was not at the office, he did not return further calls and e-mails. Braus said Chalabi was not involved in Erinys, but added, "In order to operate in Iraq our people down there have had relations with all former opposition groups." He said it was "absolutely untrue" Erinys had hired Iraqi Free Congress militiamen as security personnel. One large firm does not believe the contract will be rebid. Kroll, the risk consulting and investigative firm, is negotiating with Nour and Erinys to take over the Iraq operation, sources said. How a Kroll buyout would affect Chalabi is unclear. A U.S. intelligence official said Chalabi was "clearly looking to make money" now that he has returned to Iraq after living in exile for the past five decades. While declining to address the Erinys contract, the official said that Chalabi is "interested in establishing businesses that will benefit him, his associates and his party, the INC." Chalabi helped influence the Bush administration's decision to invade Iraq even as he remained a fugitive from a 1992 criminal conviction in Jordan on charges of embezzling millions of dollars from his Petra Bank, which collapsed in 1989. Other Chalabi family enterprises, all financially interlocked, also succumbed that year. While Chalabi's banking empire crumbled, it provided millions of dollars in loans to construction firms owned by Farouki, bankruptcy records show. Farouki's own businesses were going through bankruptcy proceedings in the late 1980s when he borrowed heavily from the Washington-based Petra International Banking Corp., which was managed by Chalabi's nephew Mohamed Chalabi. Farouki's companies had construction projects for the Pentagon and State Department in Europe, the Middle East and Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Petra International was an Edge Act bank in Washington that was owned largely by the Petra Bank in Jordan. An Edge Act bank is not permitted to conduct general banking activities but can make international business loans. Mohamed Chalabi is a son of Ahmed Chalabi's oldest brother, Rushdi, who was a cabinet minister in Iraq before the toppling of the monarchy. Jordanian authorities have complained that much of the Petra funds they claim was siphoned off the Amman bank ended up at Petra International. By May 1989, three months before Jordan seized Petra Bank, the bankrupt Farouki companies owed Petra International more than $12 million, court records show. Farouki's wife, Samia, and Mohamed Chalabi also were officers of a Virginia firm that folded in 1995, according to public records. Laith Kubba, who helped his cousin Ahmed Chalabi form the Iraqi National Congress but has since had a falling out, said Farouki became part of Chalabi's closely woven business network some time in the '80s. "Back in 1988-91, when I worked with Chalabi on the INC, I was aware of the people who were his confidants, close to him, and I know Huda Farouki was one of them," Kubba said. Tom Frank contributed to this article from Baghdad. Copyright =A9 2004, Newsday, Inc. __________________________________ Do you Yahoo!? Yahoo! Finance: Get your refund fast by filing online. http://taxes.yahoo.com/filing.html End of casi-news Digest _______________________________________ Sent via the CASI-analysis mailing list To unsubscribe, visit http://lists.casi.org.uk/mailman/listinfo/casi-analysis All postings are archived on CASI's website at http://www.casi.org.uk